Chapter 15. The New City And New Government

§ 1. Prince ÀTÌBÀ: His EarRLy LIFE AND HISTORY

¶2 PRINCE ÀTÌBÀ was the son of King ABIODUN by an Akeitan woman. According to one account, he was born in the city of Ọ̀yọ́, his father died when he was but a child, and when ABIODUN’S children were being ill-treated by King AOLE his mother fled with him to her own town in the country. ⑂ 2 accounts

¶3 But another account was of a more romantic interest and is more probable, as being characteristic of that age. According to this account, his mother, a slave at Gudugbu, was given as a hostage to the ALÁÀFIN of Ọ̀yọ́. She had an intimate friend who was much distressed by this separation. After 8 or ro weary months, she was resolved at all costs to go up to the city to visit her friend with whom she had been associated from childhood. ⑂ 2 accounts

¶4 The Gudugbu hostage was too insignificant to be noticed among the crowd of women in the King’s harem until. this strange visit of her friend drew the King’s attention to her. The visitor from the country loitering within the precincts of the palace was asking all whom she saw coming from the women’s quarters to call her Eni-Olufan one of the King’s wives, but no one knew who that was. At length King ABIODUN was told that a woman from the country was asking for one of his wives, and this unusual incident aroused the King’s curiosity. The Gudugbu woman was called to his presence to state the object of her visit. She replied .— "May your majesty livelong. The young woman from Gudugbu given as a hostage was my bosom friend, and for the past 8 months or more | have had no one to talk to, and hence I was resolved to visit her."

¶5 The King then said to her, "Are you not afraid to come here and to enquire for my wife? Suppose I add yourself to the harem or kill you or sell you? "Shereplied, "For my friend’s sake I am prepared to undergo any treatment, and if your majesty make a wife of me I shall be happy as my friend and I will see each other every day."

¶6 The King greatly admired their friendship ; he gave permission for her to be lodged with her friend, and was by this led to pay some attention to the Gudugbu hostage.

¶7 For three months these two friends enjoyed each other’s company and as the King’s wife was now in the way of becoming a mother, he was graciously pleased to send them home. He sent for both of them one morning, and after a few approbatory remarks on their friendship, he loaded them with presents, and said to his wife’s friend, "I am sending your friend home with you in order that you may not fail to have some one to unbosom your mind to as hitherto. I make you both my deputy for that part of the country. All matters to be referred to Ọ̀yọ́ will henceforth be brought to you for decision, all the tribute monies will be paid to you also, and as my wife will be unable to undertake a Journey, I expect your visit here as often as you cancome." With this instruction he dismissed them and sent several Eunuchs and Ìlàrís with them as escort and to commend them formally to the care and protection of the Bále of Gudugbu. Both these women returned to Gudugbu in quite a different capacity from that in which they left it. The little town was all astir on their arrival, and many were the private murmurs against Eni-Olufan’s friend for the heavy responsibilities she had brought upon them. Great deference, however, was paid to them both, and they became practically the supreme rulers and judges of that district. The King’s wife in course of time gave birth to a son who was named Àtìbà; her friend also (who was a married woman) gave birth to a son named Onipede. The intimacy existing between the two mothers re-appeared also in the boys from childhood up to manhood.

¶8 [This account is reconcilable with the first as it is possible that as an infant, Àtìbà may have been taken to Ọ̀yọ́ to see his father, and may have been there till Aole’s reign when the mother had to flee with him back to the country as stated above].

¶9 Àtìbà grew up a wild andrecklesslad. When he was of age, his father ordered that the mother should apportion to him the tribute money of that district, this continued until the succeeding reign when the country was thrown into confusion and anarchy.

¶10 This circumstance probably led his mother to remove with him from Gudugbu to Akeitan her own home. Here Àtìbà was under the care of his maternal uncle who was now head of the house and the family estate.

¶11 Àtìbà was brought up as a tailor, but he preferred a wild and predatory life, for which the circumstances of the times afforded great opportunities. A story was told of him that once being very hungry, he asked his uncle for a yam, and the uncle not only refused it him, but took the opportunity of reprimanding him sharply for living the idle life of a kidnapper. "If I had lived on manstealing like you," said he, "I could not have got any yam." But Yesufu the younger uncle felt sorry for his nephew and said to Àtìbà that whilst he (the uncle) was living, he (Àtìbà) would never suffer the pinch of hunger. This incident had its reward hereafter as will be noticed in its place.

¶12 From Akeitan Prince Àtìbà made several incursions into the Gudugbu farms, and was generally a pest to the country round about.

¶13 In order not to bring trouble on the Akeitan people, Àtìbà was urged to remove his residence to the town of Ago where he would find in Oja the chief of that place a man of a like spirit to his own, of a warlike disposition, and he did so.

¶14 But when Àtìbà arrived at Ago, Oja was strongly advised not to let him settle down there, because a man like him would eventually become master of the town. Elebu, Oja’s brother was the chief opponent. But Oja did not follow this advice. "How can I," said he "an officer on the staff of the Kakanfò, and a titlebearer in the kingdom, turn away my prince?" OOja continued friendly to him until his fall in the Kanla expedition.

¶15 Their kidnapping expeditions were at that time chiefly directed against the Ẹ̀gbás in the Oke Ogun districts near Sagaun. They found them so simple and unsophisticated in those days that when a kidnapper had captured several of them and was in quest for more he had only to leave his cap or his spear or any other personal property by the side of them, and bid them wait for him there, and should another kidnapper fall in with them he was to be shown the sign of prepossession, and thus they would be left untouched until their captor returned. These captives never made any effort to escape.

¶16 Àtìbà rose to importance by committing acts of violence and extortion with impunity, from the great deference paid to his high birth. In that age of anarchy and confusion he collected around himself all lawless men, insolvent debtors, slaves who had deserted their masters. His wealth was continually augmented by fresh marauding expeditions, his men behaving like the Jamas, himself at the head of them. ‘

¶17 By his address and largess Àtìbà won to himself the following chiefs of Ọ̀yọ́, viz., Aderinko, Ladejgbi, Olumelé, Oluwajd, Losa Oluwaiye (the Alagba), Adefiimi, Lakonu, Toki Maje, Falade, and Gbenla.

¶18 His slaves who had horses and a large retinue each were :—

¶19 Eni-d’Olorun (who subsequently became the Apeka), Galajimo, Otelowo and Ogboinu his mounted trumpeter.

¶20 Elebu succeeded his brother as the Bále of Ago. As might be expected he was not on good terms with Àtìbà; but the latter had already risen to such a height of greatness and popularity that Elebu could neithercrush him nor turn him out of the town ; they remained antagonists till Elebu was drowned in the river during the Gbodo war, as related above.

¶21 Before Elebu’s death, Ajanaku of Ìlọrin to whom Ago Oja paid tribute summoned them both to Ìlọrin and asked Shitta his sovereign to effect a reconciliation between them. The turban was given to both as a sign of brotherhood in the Moslem faith. This reconciliation was only on the surface, but by no means real. It was at this time that all children born at Ago had Moslem names given to them and many adults and aged people changed theirs in order to bein good favour with the Jamas of Ìlọrin, who then infested the country.

¶22 Àtìbà had nearly lost his life in the Gbodo expedition; his horse was shot dead under him and the Baribas were pressing hard behind him in pursuit. His life-long friend Onipede galloped past him paying no heed to the despairing cry of his friend and master: ‘ Onipede here am I, will you leave me behind to perish? "Onipede notwithstanding this rushed on into the river Ogun and swam across safe to the other side. But when Àtìbà’s uncle, Yesufu came up and saw him in such straits he dismounted and offered him his horse. Àtìbà declined to take it, but Yesufu forced him to accept it, saying "Even if I perish in this war I know that you will take care of my children." Yesufu was a powerful swimmer and he assisted both the horse and the rider safe to the other side. Adekidero the Lemomu also offered his own horse to be used alternately with Yesufu’s until they reached home.

¶23 Onipede did not wait for him although he was riding on a horse bought for him by the very Prince he now deserted. It was even reported of him that after he had reached the other side of the river, he halted to watch with amusement the distress and danger of his friend battling with the swift current until Yesufu came to his assistance, and that on the Prince’s reaching the other side Onipedecame up with a smile and an untimely joke saying "The intrepid warrior that you are, I did not know that a river current could conquer you." The Prince said nothing, and showed no sign of resentment, but Onipede from that day became a marked man, because it was evident to Àtìbà that his death would have excited no feelings of sympathy and regret in Onipede.

¶24 Up to this time Onipede enjoyed his entire confidence. Whatever he said or did was indisputable; any criminal pardoned by him was free, and latterly he would not even take the trouble of acquainting the Prince with all that he did. He was known beyond the confines of the kingdom as the confidant of the Prince and all foreigners residing at Ago were under his protection. He was always attended by a large retinue of foot and of horsemen as a Prince, whenever he paid visits in town or in going to his farm. He was the greatest favourite at the Prince’s palace ; no one was allowed to see the Prince or obtain favours from him except through Onipede. The love Àtìbà had for this companion of his childhood and youth made him blind to all his faults until his eyes were opened by the incident narrated above.

¶25 Onipede at the zenith of his popularity quite forgot himself and regarded the Prince rather as his equal or co-partner, although as a matter of fact he was in no way equal to one of his war-chiefs or his notable slaves enumerated above. Still all of them used to show him due respect and pay him marked deference as one above them, so he came to set himself as a rival of his master; but the incident of the Gbodo disaster was the means of his fall.

¶26 On their arrival home from the unsuccessful war, they hastened to fortify the town against an expected invasion. Àtìbà attended by all his great warriors was digging a trench right round the town, when Onipede rode up attended by a retinue of mounted servants. Àtìbà could no longer suppress his anger but ordered him to take up a digger and work like any of the common labourers. For one who had always lived an easy life Onipede’s hands became blistered and sore. There are two accounts given of his death: one was that after this Àtìbà ordered him to be slain and buried in an upright posture when they returned home; and that his slaves carried out his orders by showering darts upon Onipede, cut off his head and buried him in a house near the present Akesan market.

¶27 But a more probable account given of his death was as follows : The Prince and his servants began by slighting him, the latter losing no opportunity of showing him marks of disrespect. He now observed that he was no longer in favour but the exalted position he had already attained placed him above fear ; and indeed the Prince could not attack him in an open civil fight without dire results, for he was the commander of some of the greatest war-chiefs in the town. An opportunity at length was offered when he was unattended. He met Àtìbà where he was busy with his servants storing up his Bere grass, and there and then he ordered his slaves to club him to death. Such was the end of Onipede.

¶28 By the death of Elebu, Oja’s children lost their natural protector and guardian, and the people their chief. Prince Àtìbà who was aiming at the supreme power placed none of Oja’s children who were capable as head of the house and chief of the town, but rather his younger brother Ailumg, whom he knew to be weak in intellect. He placed him over the house with the title of Mogaji till after the Eleduwe war, he should be formally installed as Bále of Ago. Inthe meantime Àtìbà constituted himself the administrator of the affairs of the town in the place of Oja’s children and overshadowed even the Mogaji himself. Thus the fears of the late Elebu were fully realized and the town of Ago practically passed out of the hands of the children of Oja the founder.

§ 2. AtTIBA’s ACCESSION TO THE THRONE

¶30 That Àtìbà was aspiring to the throne was evident to all when they were assembled for the Eleduwe war. He was even then far more powerful than the King and all eyes were turned upon him as the one who would eventually save the country from the Fulani yoke, In order to obtain the object of his ambition he plotted with others to bring about the downfall of the King. He bought the support of the two most powerful war-chiefs left in the land, viz., Olúyọ̀lé of Ìbàdàn by promising him the title of Ibaggrun, and Kuriimi of Ìjàyè by promising him that of Kakanfò.

¶31 After the fall of the ancient capital and the death of King OLUEWU the crown was offered to Lagiiade, but he declined it and advised that it should be offered to that powerful aspirant Prince Àtìbà, of Ago Oja; the only one with men and means, who seemed able to cope with the Ìlọrins and save the country from tyranny and oppression. This was done, and Àtìbà accepted it with the general consent and approval of all, but it was with the distinct understanding that he would lead the people home from Saki, Gboho, Kihisi, Ìlọrin and other places whither they had taken refuge. For this purpose Prince Lajide, son of Onsglu, and Fabiyi with 32 other messengers were sent by the Ọ̀yọ́ MEsr at Kihisi and Igboho to invite him home to the ancient capital. They were his guests till the coronation, after which he detained them permanently at Ago and conferred on Prince Lajide the title of Ona’sokun.

¶32 After he was established on the throne, he sent Lakonu one of his powerful chiefs to Kihisi and Gboho for the remnant of the Kings’ wives, and the eunuchs and other court officials that could be found in those regions.

¶33 Thus Ago passed out of the hands of Oja’s family and became the royal city of Yoruba and as such it was no longer called Ago Oja but Ọ̀yọ́ as the ALÁÀFIN now resides there. And hence it is often styled by way of disparagement Ago-d’Ọ̀yọ́ (Ago which became Ọ̀yọ́). This is the present city of Ọ̀yọ́.

§ 3. CONFERRING OF TITLES

¶35 At the conferring of titles and re-organization of the kingdom the ALÁÀFIN confirmed on those who came to him from Kihisi and Gboho the titles they had formerly borne. Those who did not care to leave the more salubrious north for forest lands were superseded in their offices.

¶36 The following are those who were confirmed in their titles.

¶37 Name. Title, Mak@aiye Ohota Odusola Agbakin Ariori Samu

¶38 The following were those newly conferred at the present Ọ̀yọ́. Obagbolu Ona-modekeé Gbenla Lagiina Aiyewun (from Ìṣẹ́yìn) Alapini Ailesd Tetu Adefalu Olokiesin Ailumo (Oja’s brother) Asipa Yesufu (Àtìbà’s uncle) Parakoyi?

¶39 The following were titles conferred on members of the toyal family, not all of whom however were deserving.

¶40 Olukokun (grandson of King Onisile) Atingisi Telaokoki Magaji Tyajin Abioro (son of King Ajagbo) Arole Ọba Idowu (son of King Ojigi) Olusami

¶41 The following were commoners, but favourites and formerly companions-in-arms of Àtìbà, on whom were conferred titles usually borne by members of the Royal Family exclusively :—

¶42 Falade Agunpopo Lakonu Ogigimagi Ladejobi Olosun Toki Ladilu

¶43 Eniaiyewu the Alapini of the ancient city was still alive when Aiyewun was brought from Ìṣẹ́yìn for the same office. The former remained and died at Saki.

¶44 Aileso had been created chief of the Tetus (they are 150 in number) before those from the ancient city arrived to claim their rights ; they had to be satisfied wth minor ranks.

¶45 Ancient Ọ̀yọ́ was a very large city comprising the following wards :—Oke Ẹ̀ṣọ́, Modade, Molaba, Nsise-Ogan, Ntetu, Ondasa, Onse-awo, Aremu, Ile-Ologbo, Ajofa, Isale-Ogede.

¶46 Now, Ago d’Ọ̀yọ́ was very small in comparison, and hence the ALÁÀFIN adopted forcible means to enlarge it. Several of the surrounding towns and villages were depopulated and the inhabitants transported to the new city e.g. Akeitan, Apara, Idode, Ajagba Seke, Gudugbu, Jabata, Ojomgbodu, Aguwo, Opapa and Ijoga. These places were all within 10 or 20 miles from Ago. The King’s army would surround each of them by night, and at break of day, the inhabitants were offered the choice of a peaceable migration to the new city or (in case of resistance) the town would be destroyed. Thus they were transported with all their household effects and as they arrived the King assigned to each a quarter of the town for their residence. Thus Igaga was taken in the month of May during the Egugun festival.

HIGHER TITLES

¶48 (a) The Baṣọ̀run.—Olúyọ̀lé of Ìbàdàn received the title of basorun as was conditionally promised him at the Eleduwe war. He based his claim on his descent from Baṣọ̀run Yamba whose cognomen was Okolo Ogun. His father’s name was Oloktioye, his mother was Agbonrin daughter of King ABIODUN and thus he was the ALÁÀFIN’s nephew.

¶49 Olúyọ̀lé now came to Ọ̀yọ́ to have his title conferred upon him by the King.

¶50 This was a new departure from the old custom for the Baṣọ̀run to reside in the country. His right place is in the city being the next man to the King, and the chief of the seven principal councillors of state comprising the Ọ̀yọ́ MEsi. He, moreover, has distinct official duties to perform at the principal annual festivals especially at the Bere at which he is the chief actor.

¶51 But this new departure must be allowed in order to meet the exigencies of the times. The King could not be secure on his throne if he were to cause a disaffection to arise between himself and the powerful war-chiefs of Ìbàdàn and Tjaye by denying them the titles of their ancestors which they were so ambitious to obtain.

¶52 But a provision had already been made in the constitution for performing the state ceremonies in the absence of the Baṣọ̀run : his place could be filled by either the Ọ̀tún’wefa, the Ona Onse

¶53 Awo, or the Ariwo. Thus what would have proved a serious constitutional difficulty had already been obviated by past experience, and adequately provided for.

¶54 (b) The Are-ona-Kakanfò or Yoruba Field Marshal. This title was now conferred upon Kurumi of Ìjàyè according to the conditional promise made to him also at the Eleduwe war by Prince Àtìbà. He was undoubtedly the greatest Yoruba general and tactician of the day in the Yoruba country. He was a great friend of the King and during his term of office he shielded the sovereign against the encroachment on his prerogatives of his nephew of Ìbàdàn for he was by no means loyal to him. He also on this occasion went to Ọ̀yọ́ to have the title conferred on him. Thus it came to pass that the two most distinguished titles next to the sovereign were held by the chiefs of the two largest towns in the south, viz. that of Baṣọ̀run the head of all civil affairs, and that of Kakanfò the head of the military department.

¶55 State Policy.—In order that a collision may not take place between these two warlike towns, so contiguous to each other, a compact was now arrived at between the ALÁÀFIN and his principal chiefs :—

¶56 1. That they should make it their primary aim to defend what was left of the Yoruba country, and gradually regain if they could their lost provinces under the Fulanis of Ìlọrin.

¶57 2. As the last King died in war, the sovereign should not be allowed to go to war any more, but confine himself to all religious, civil, and political matters (external relations) on behalf of the nation.

¶58 3. That the Ìbàdàns were to protect all Yoruba towns to the north and north-east, and meet whatever danger might arise in those quarters, to have a free hand over all Ìjẹ̀ṣàs and Èkìtìs, and the eastern provinces generally, to reduce them to subjection.

¶59 4. That the Ìjàyès should protect all Yoruba towns of the western provinces, and meet whatever danger appeared in that direction and carry on their operations against the Sabes and disloyal Popos.

¶60 Thus the disintegration of the country would be arrested.

¶61 But the ancient cities of Iluku, Saki, Gboho and Kihisi with their towns, containing the remnant of the citizens of the ancient Ọ̀yọ́ and members of the royal family preferred not to be placed under the protection of either of these powers, but under the King direct ; and this was allowed. Thus it was hoped that in time the unity of the kingdom would be regained, and those who still longed for their old homes would be able to return thither.

¶62 In this way it appeared latterly that the province under the

¶63 ALÁÀFIN is small, and foreigners ignorant of the history of the country are apt to consider Ìbàdàn of more importance than Ọ̀yọ́ especially when by the destruction of Ìjàyè the former claimed the overlordship of the territories formerly under Ìjàyè.

PROVINCIAL AFFAIRS

¶65 The affairs of the new Metropolis having been settled both the Baṣọ̀run and the Kakanfò returned home to arrange their own local affairs.

¶66 Ìbàdàn. At this time the war-chief next to the Iba himself who was head and shoulders above all his compeers at Ìbàdàn was chief Elépo, consequently the title of Ibalogun was offered him; but he declined it, for reasons which no one could tell. He was urged over and over again in public as well as in private, both by the Baṣọ̀run and his brother chiefs to accept it, but he declined, saying his name Elépo alone was enough for him. And yet he would submit to no one but the Baṣọ̀run alone who was his old colleague. The title of Balógun was, therefore, conferred upon Oderinlo.

¶67 The following were the titles conferred upon distinguished war-chiefs ;—

¶68 Names, Titles. Oderinlo Balógun or commander-in-chief. Lajumoke Ọ̀tún i.e. general commanding the right Opeagbe Òsì i.e. general commanding the left wing Toki Sẹ́rìkí Babalola Asipa Oyesile Abese Ogunrenu Sarumi or chief of the cavalry Yerombi Agbakin Dele Areagoro

¶69 Ìjàyè.-—The Are-ona-Kakanfò of Ìjàyè was a bloodthirsty tyrant. He put to death all the chiefs rising into power who might become his rivals. His Balógun’s name was Olasilo alias Ogun-koroju, a Mohammedan, and the friend of Balógun Oderinle of Ìbàdàn. He was the only man at Ìjàyè for whom Kuriimi entertained any regard. One Àjàyí was his Areagoro, and this was about all the titles given at Ìjàyè. Nevertheless there were other powerful men at Ìjàyè such as Lakusa, Agana Epo, Fanyaka, Akiola, Asegbe, Amodu and Labudanu. Lahan after the destruction of Abemo came to reside at Ìjàyè.

¶70 Kurumi usurped all power both civil and religious ; all were centred on him or his family, and all the profits accruing from them flowed to his exchequer. His brother Popoola was the Alagba or Egugun high priest, himself the Mogba or head Ṣàngó priest. His chief executioner was one Jomgban. The Kakanfò was more dreaded at Ìjàyè than even the gods as the common saying shows "Are npe o o ndifa? Bi Ifá fo rere ti Are fo ibi nko? (You receive the Are’s summons and you are divining with your Ifá? What if Ifá is propitious and the Are is not?) He did not value the life of a human being more than that of a dog. For the least offence he ordered the offender to execution and plundered his house. But he was more of a terror to rank and station, for to the poor, he granted liberty and redress.

THE AGBAMAJA WAR

¶72 It has become the custom at Ìbàdàn that a newly created Balógun should lead the army out on an expedition in order to prove his worth to the title and thereby commend himself to the respect of the soldiery. But no town at this time gave any cause of offence for an attack, all the same the Balógun was sent against Èdè —a town under their own protection. But it would appear that Elépo vetoed the destruction of Èdè and so they marched on towards Ilobu.

¶73 The people of Ilobu became alarmed. They had not committed any offence, but although they were assured of peaceful measures yet they brought a large amount of presents to the Ìbàdàn camp to buy off their hostility, and showed every sign of submission. All the same, the soldiery becoming restive from inaction would have sacked the town but for Elépo, especially when it happened that lightning struck a house in the town and the war boys became wild, and rushed to the spot under pretext of doing homage to Ṣàngó, while others were already scaling the walls when Elépo and his men undertook to beat them off and save Ilobu. From that town and the surrounding villages presents came pouring into the Ìbàdàn camp but instead of going to the Balógun all went to Elépo, before whose tents all the presents were piled up. He neither directed them to the commander-in-chief nor made use of them for himself. He ruled the army according to his will, and consequently the Balógun was indignant at this usurpation of his rights and the other chiefs sympathized with him. After frittering away their time doing nothing the men became disheartened and began to steal away home. Hence this expedition was termed "Agbamaja,"i.e. fully armed but engaging in no fight.

¶74 The Baṣọ̀run at home was kept informed of all that was going on at the seat of war and when they arrived at home a mass meeting was held of all the war-chiefs and men and the whole of them complained bitterly against Elépo ; he was accused to his face of usurping the rights of the Balógun when he had himself declined the office, but on account of the love and respect they had for him they were prepared to let bygones be bygones, only he must prostrate before the Balógun and offer an apology and the matter would end there. He apologised but would never bemean himself by prostrating before the Balógun. This last act therefore set a Seal upon his downfall; his humiliation was there and then decided upon.

¶75 The next step taken was to deprive him of his principal subordinate war-chiefs by conferring town titles on each of them, making them members of the town council with equal votes. Elépo’s eyes were now open to his own folly, but almost too late. At the next public meeting, he apologized again but was too proud to prostrate before any one save the Baṣọ̀run alone. He was told all round that his apology was accepted and the pardon granted. He went home glad at heart, but was soon to be undeceived, for when he went the following day to the houses of all the principal chiefs to thank them, not one of them would see him ; at every house he called he was told "The master is not at home." He understood the full import of this, and moreover none of his subordinate chiefs called at his house as before, and all matters in his quarter of the town were taken straight to the Balógun. Thus Elépo saw himself isolated.

§ 4. THE Òṣogbo WAR. THE ÌLỌRINS CHECKMATED

¶77 After a short pause that followed the Eleduwe war, the aggressive spirit of the Ìlọrins once more impelled them to the accomplishment of their aim, viz., the subversion of the entire Yoruba country, and hence for the third time they laid siege to Òṣogbo. The command this time was entrusted to their brave and experienced general Ali, the Hausa Balógun of Ìlọrin.

¶78 Òṣogbo was closely besieged, and terrible battles were fought between the assailants and defenders to the advantage of the former. When the king of Òṣogbo found the Ìlọrins too strong for him he sent to Ìbàdàn for help.

¶79 It now devolved upon the Ìbàdàns as defenders of the north and north-east to meet the coming danger. They sent them some auxiliaries under the leadership of one Obéle alias Mobitan, and Alade Abinupagun. As this force proved insufficient for the defence of the town, another contingent was sent under a more experienced leader. But still the Ìlọrins were gaining ground after every battle until the besieged and their auxiliaries were confined to the thickets surrounding the town which in all Yoruba towns were reserved for the purposes of defence. The Ìbàdàn contingent thereupon sent an express report home to the Baṣọ̀run that they would soon be overpowered and the town taken if timely aid was not forthcoming.

¶80 The Baṣọ̀run unwilling that the Fulanis and Jamas of Ìlọrin should be masters of the forest lands to which they had been driven from their homes in the plain, was resolved to raise the siege at all cost. It was with the Ìbàdàns a matter of now or never and hence the Balógun was instructed to endeavour to deal a decisive blow to the Ìlọrins once and for all, for should he fail now the Fulanis would be masters of the whole Yoruba country.

¶81 Balógun Oderinlo now marched out with the whole of the Ìbàdàn mighty men save Elépo and the Baṣọ̀run, the former having been rejected by the war-chiefs for his actions at the late Agbamaja expedition. The Baṣọ̀run approved of this resolve and therefore Elépo stayed at home, but he felt himself far too exalted to care for any of them.

¶82 When the Ìbàdàn army arrived at the seat of war and saw the situation they had some misgivings as to the probability of success without the aid of Elépo their champion. They could not show their face in the open field for fear of the Ìlọrin horse, and for about 20 days after their arrival at Òṣogbo, they also could not fight outside the town thickets.

¶83 The Baṣọ̀run himself having some doubts as to the hopes of success of his generals in the absence of Elépo was much depressed in mind on hearing the news from the seat of war, and he was minded to send Elépo to meet them ; he gave him a cow to worship his god Ori and told him to prepare to join his comrades in the field.

¶84 The Ìbàdàn war-chiefs hearing this were fired with jealousy lest the honour of the victory might be his and hence were resolved to risk a battle at all cost. Again and again they held councils of war, and at length they fixed a day for the venture. Still they were afraid to attack the Ìlọrins during the morning hours, Òṣogbo being practically in a plain, the Ìlọrin horse might have the advantage of them with disastrous results : from prudence therefore they resolved to make the attack in the afternoon, as they might be able to hold on until dusk when the Ìlọrins would no longer be able to use their horses to advantage, or if defeated, the shades of night would assist them in their retreat.

¶85 About 2 p.m. the standard of the Ìbàdàn army left the gate of Òṣogbo for the battlefield. Again, another council of war was held and it was finally resolved that they should not proceed until dark, as it was necessary that their movements be as private as possible. About sunset they were again on the move and the vanguards were instructed to keep a strict watch and arrest anyone suspected as a spy on their movements.

¶86 About a mile from the Ìlọrin camp they halted and arranged the order of the attack. The Òṣogbo army and the earlier auxiliaries were to maintain the centre of the battle, Chiefs Abitiko and Lajubu to command the right wing, Balógun Oderinlo with the rest of the Ìbàdàn war-chiefs to form the left wing of the army. About midnight the Ìlọrin camp was attacked on all sides. The watch word was Elo ni owo odo? (The fare of the ferry?) [The river Osun had to be crossed in entering Òṣogbo from the south. Any one who could not tell was known to be an enemy.] The first camp attacked was that of the Elese, and as soon as they rushed in, they set it on fire. The Elese himself was shot dead as soon as he showed his face at the tent door. A panic seized the whole Ìlọrin army thus startled from their beds; they could not offer the slightest resistance, they simply melted away! Those who fell by the hands of their own friends to make way for their hasty flight were probably more than those who fell by the hands of their enemies. Several who summed up courage enough to saddle their horses had not the presence of mind to loose them and were caught in the stables digging spurs into the poor beasts and wondering why they would not go, forgetting that they were still tethered by the feet.

¶87 But Ali the commander-in-chief was calm and resolute; he ordered his horse to be saddled, and gathering around him a goodly portion of his cavalry they dashed through the ranks of the Ìbàdàn army: these quickly making a way for them to gallop through without daring to oppose them, especially as numbers of the men were scattered about on plundering bent.

¶88 The principal Ìlọrin war-chiefs captured in this defeat were :—

¶89 I. Jimba the head slave of the Emir of Ìlọrin.

¶90 2. One of the sons of Ali the commander-in-chief.

¶91 3. Chief Lateju and

¶92 4. Ajikobi the Yoruba Balógun of Ìlọrin.

¶93 The first two were released and sent home privately by the Ìbàdàn war-chiefs, a form of chivalrous etiquette among the war-chiefs. The latter two being Yorubas by-birth were regarded rather as traitors to their country, and were sent home to Ìbàdàn as distinguished captives of war.

¶94 The Baṣọ̀run sentenced Lateju to death alleging that it was in his house that King OLUEWU, the last of the ancient Ọ̀yọ́, was fettered when taken at the Eleduwe war, before he was put to death. That was the ostensible charge but the chief reason really was because Olúyọ̀lé’s wives fell into Lateju’s hands at the collapse of that expedition, and he was not chivalrous enough to release them and send them to him as a brother chief.

¶95 Ajikobi being a more distinguished personage was sent to the ALÁÀFIN of Ọ̀yọ́ for capital punishment.

¶96 The messengers with the illustrious captive met the King engaged in one of his annual festivals, and he ordered that the feu de joie his servants were then firing should be directed on Ajikobi. This was-accordingly done, and he was roasted to death with gunpowder.

¶97 Besides a large number ot captives the Ìbàdàns captured numbers of horses but very few of them were brought home. These hardy people cared very little then for the luxury of riding on horseback: what they cared for more was the horses’ tails upon which to tie amulets as preventives against bullets in war. These were always a part of their war kits. The only attention bestowed on the hundreds of tailless horses now roaming about the field was for replenishing their larder as occasion required!

¶98 This victory at Òṣogbo was a most important one and forms a turning point in Yoruba history. It saved the Yoruba country as such from total absorption by the Fulanis as a tributary state. From this time forth the power of the Ìlọrins for an independent aggressive warfare in Yoruba land was for ever broken and the Ìbàdàns gained the ascendancy. The Ìlọrins without losing sight of their ultimate objective to "dip the Koran in the sea," i.e. the subjugation of the entire Yoruba land, henceforth contented themselves with allying themselves now with one, and then with the other of the contending tribes with the hope of ultimately weakening the whole, so that eventually the entire country might fall an easy prey into their hands.

¶99 That the ALÁÀFIN did not seize this opportunity to gather all the forces of the kingdom and strike a final blow at the enemy was a matter of surprise to many, but a great dread was still entertained of meeting the cavalry in the plain, in which case it would not be that of Ìlọrin alone, but also those of Sokoto and Gando. Hence the return home to the ancient capital was fraught with danger, the probability of their being continually harassed and attacked and taken by surprise being very great.

¶100 Other reasons also have been advanced for remaining in their present position, among which was the comparative proximity to the coast and greater facilities for trade. As new generations sprang up who knew little or nothing of the old country they grew less and less disposed to abandon the comparative safety and advantages of the present position for the old cities with all the attendant risks, however fertile and salubrious they might be.

¶101 After the siege of Òṣogbo was raised, Ibokun an Ìjẹ̀ṣà town not far from Òṣogbo was taken by the Ìbàdàns, being one of the tributary towns and allies of Ìlọrin. On the approach of the enemy, having heard of the defeat of the Ìlọrins at Òṣogbo, Kusi the Ìlọrin Resident of the town escaped to Ìlọrin leaving Ibokun to its fate.

§5. THE EXPULSION OF ELEPO FROM ÌBÀDÀN

¶103 Chief Elépo not being allowed by his colleagues to go with them to the Òṣogbo expedition, and having heard of their success marched out with his own troops against Otefan, a Yoruba town in the western province, which he took, and returned home with many captives and much booty by which he satisfied the cravings of his war boys, whose loyalty to him prevented them from going with their comrades to a successful expedition.

¶104 After his return from Otefan, Elépo was told by the Baṣọ̀run that the other war-chiefs in the field had sent home to say that he should leave the town, alleging that he was heard to have said that they could not achieve any victory without his leadership, and now that the Ìlọrins had received a crushing defeat at their hands without his presence, it was evident they could do without him. Whether this message was actually sent or whether it was an arrangement concocted between the Baṣọ̀run and the war-chiefs is not certain, but as a matter of fact the whole of them stood in dread of him and he was also an object of envy and jealousy. It is evident that if the Baṣọ̀run had been as true to him as he was loyal to the Baṣọ̀run such a question could not have arisen at all. Elépo was said to have been the greatest general Ìbàdàn ever produced ; before him and after him there has yet been none to be compared to him whose very name strikes terror and confusion in all around. Even the Baṣọ̀run himself was secretly afraid of him, as with one breath he could upset him and his government, and yet there has never been a chief at Ìbàdàn so humble, so loyal and devoted to his chief as Elépo was to the Baṣọ̀run. But for him Olúyọ̀lé could never have attained to his present position nor could have maintained it for a month, before his murder or expulsion would have ended his career.

¶105 Olúyọ̀lé was blind to his own interests when he.was arranging this plot against Elépo. Elépo on the other hand, unsuspicious of the intrigues of his chief, was negotiating through him with the other chiefs. He loved and trusted him too well for him to entertain the slightest doubt of his good faith.

¶106 As the war-chiefs were on their homeward march, threatening messages were said to have been sent to Elépo through the Baṣọ̀run ;

¶107 the latter, in order that he might be able to accomplish his design, ill-advised Elépo to leave his house a while, assuring him that all would be right in the end. He knew quite well that as long as Elépo was in his own house their plans‘must fail, for no one would dare to face the lion in his den. .

¶108 Atipo his brother at once suspected the intriguer by such advice, and asked, "Why should it be deemed necessary for the Mogaji (i.e. Elépo) to leave his house when you the chief were employing your good offices for him? Which of the war-chiefs would be bold enough either to go against your declared wish or to attack Elépo backed by his chief the Baṣọ̀run?" But the Baṣọ̀run evaded the question ; on the contrary he kept pressing the point with great urgency knowing that once Elépo left his house he would never be allowed to return to it.

¶109 Elépo disheartened by the bad faith of his hitherto trusted lord yielded with pain and disappointment only out of respect to him. He removed all his effects to the Baṣọ̀run’s house as well as all the captives and booty from the late Otefan expedition. Thus unmindful of the good Elépo had done him when he was somewhat similarly situated after the Ota expedition, Olúyọ̀lé requited him with ingratitude out of sheer jealousy ; he desired to wield an absolute power and felt he could not safely do so with such a man under him, and thus he plotted to gain his end at the expense of a faithful and loyal friend and colleague.

¶110 When the war-chiefs were nearer home, Olúyọ̀lé told Elépo that he had failed in his negotiations with them and that they threatened a civil war in case he sided with him, and consequently should Elépo leave the town he, the Baṣọ̀run, would arrange matters with them so that he might return home in peace.

¶111 By this Elépo saw plainly the intrigues of his friend and.master. Thrice he asked him pointedly "Do you really mean me to leave the town?" Each time the reply was "Yes for the present but all will berightin the end." Then chief Elépo uttered the following parable :—"Once upon a time the leopard was king of the beasts, and the god Orisa was the only object of his dread. The Orisa’s house was built in the open fields, and he was protected with an earthenware pot. The beasts of the field had no respect for Orisa but used to walk and graze around the pot with which he was covered without incurring any harm. But at the yearly festival when king Leopard headed all the beasts to worship the Orisa, to their surprise, he used to prostrate at a distance, and do homage by putting earth on his head, and never allowed any of the beasts to approach too near lest they give offence to the Orisa. The beasts used to say among themselves ‘ And why 2Q1

¶112 all this precaution? We often grazed around that pot without experiencing any harm, can Olisa kill at all as king Leopard would have us believe?" Now upon one such occasion when the Leopard and all the beasts in his train were prostrating at a distance, the Orisa said to the Leopard ‘ Why not allow these my children to draw near to me?" The Leopard replied, "O most adorable Orisa, the beasts you would have to approach your sacred presence are ignorant creatures that know not your worth ; were they allowed to do so they will tread on the mat on which you are seated and will soon after end by treading on yourself." This parable is for you, O Baṣọ̀run. The war-chiefs you are making so much of do not know your worth, they pay honours to you only on my account, and should I leave the town as you say, they will soon tread upon the mat on which you are seated and finally upon yourself."

¶113 After this Elépo left the town with about 1,000 followers and retired first to Ipara a town in Ìjẹ̀bú Remg and resided there for a while.

¶114 Crvit WAR AT ÌBÀDÀN

¶115 Not long after the departure of Elépo the truth of his parable became quite evident, the prophecy had all but obtained a terrible fulfilment.

¶116 Enriched by the treasures of the expelled chieftain, and his wealth further augmented by the portion allotted to him by his war-chiefs from the successful expedition of Òṣogbo, Olúyọ̀lé became much elated, feeling himself now the sole and absolute master of the town of Ìbàdàn without the fear of any possible rival. But it was not long before an insurrection was raised against him; Chiefs Olubodun, Akiliyi, Atipo, Lajubu, Akinlabi and Ogidi took up arms against him and the whole town was soon in an uproar. Nothing but the mere chance of their leader Olubodun being killed before the action really commenced brought the nsing to a sudden close.

¶117 One of Oluygle’s men from the roof of his house espied Olubodun hastening to the scene of action and as he must pass by the corner of his house to gain the main street, the man raised the thatch of his roof, levelled his gun at Olubodun at very close quarters and shot him dead on the spot! The suddenness and unexpectedness with which this was accomplished created a panic among his followers and it spread instantly among the other chiefs and their men, and they fled precipitately pursued by Olúyọ̀lé’s men. Akiliyi and Ogidi were taken but the rest escaped to Ìjàyè. Akiliyi was executed. Ogidi was pardoned, but was ordered out of his house and district at Isale Ìjẹ̀bú, the former being levelled to the ground and left in ruins, and he had to occupy a small house at Tsale Osun under strict surveillance.

¶118 [The site of the house was subsequently given to the Rev. D. Hinderer the first missionary of the Church Missionary Society at Ìbàdàn in 1851 and has since become the C.M.S. station at Oke Kudeti.]

ÌJÀYÈ AND THE ÌBÀDÀN REFUGEES

¶120 Of the three men who escaped to Ìjàyè after the tragic end of Olubodun, Lajubu somehow effected a return home and was pardoned, but Atipo and Akinlabi did not return but made Ìjàyè their home permanently.

¶121 They occupied the house of one Akiola who was put to death by the Are of Ìjàyè under the following painful circumstances :— In one of their expeditions to the Sabe provinces Akiola captured a young maiden of whom he became enamoured ; he first shared his bed with her, and on the return home of the expedition this captive was among others he apportioned to their chief Kurimi the Are of Tjaye. But the Are also was captivated by the charms of this young woman and he at once included her in his harem. And so it happened that on finding afterwards that she had already been tampered with, he became enraged with Akiola and constituted this a crime for which he murdered him!

¶122 Atipo and Akinlabi retaining the spirit and energy of Ìbàdàn were restless at Ìjàyè; they made two expeditions to the banks of the Niger on their own account, captured Ogodo in the first and Gbajigbo in the second expedition, and brought home many captives and much booty.

¶123 After this Atipo went to Ipara to fetch his brother Elépo to Ìjàyè by way of Ilugun. Elépo’s followers had by this time dwindled to about 7o men, the rest having returned home to Ìbàdàn weary of the inaction at Ipara.

¶124 Olúyọ̀lé became very jealous of the success and the popularity of these men at Ìjàyè, and Kuriimi ever suspicious of any brave and distinguished man, readily listened to the insinuations of the former that these men would one day prove a danger to the state, that they would sooner or later desert him for Ìlọrin (their common enemy) and that Kuriimi should at once dispose of them.

¶125 Kuriimi invited them both to a banquet and there, completely in his power, he murdered them both and seized all their property. Thus ended the career of these brave men of Ìbàdàn and Ìjàyè.