Chapter 11. The Revolution In The Epo Districts

§ 1. THE DESTRUCTION OF THE EPOS AND THE DEATH OF Ojo AMEPO

¶2 NOTWITHSTANDING the Fulani devastations, there were not wanting still among the Yorubas powerful generals, who could successfully oppose them if only they would act together. One such was Ojo Amepo the Kakanfò.

¶3 Ojo Amepo was one of the generals of the late Kakanfò Àfọ̀njá of Ìlọrin; he inherited the lion-like spirit of his chief. After the fall of Àfọ̀njá he resided at Akesé, where he found employment for his enterprising spirit in waging intestine wars with the Epos, and became a great man and a terror in that district. Thus Ojo Amepo usurped the prerogatives of the ALÁÀFIN in that district. * He took Iware, Okiti, Ajerun, Koto, Ajabe, towns near Ìjàyè, and he assumed the title of Kakanfò in opposition to Edun of Gbogun whom, however, he survived (as Edun himself formerly did in opposition to Toyeje of Ogbomoso) showing the state of anarchy in the kingdom as there can be but one Kakanfò at a time.

¶4 Amepo was a good horseman and an intrepid warrior. Ago was one of the towns in the Epo district. Oja the founder perished at the Kanla war as we have already noticed, and the only man of power then in that town was Prince Àtìbà formerly of Gudugbu, and he was in friendly alliance with the Ìlọrins and abetted them, when they were resclved upon subjugating the Epés.

¶5 Chiefs Amepo, Salako, and Ojomgbodu were opposed to the Ìlọrins, and the latter soon found a pretext to wage war upon them and to destroy their towns.

¶6 The Ìlọrins encamped at Ago Oja against Ojomgbodu which was about 6 or 7 miles distant. The Kakanfò at Akesé sent Dado his commander-in-chief at the head of a detachment to reinforce the beleaguered town; associated with Dado were Adekambi, Soso, Dese and Lagbayi, all distinguished men. A portion of the Ìlọrin army was encamped against Wonworo at the same time, and the Kakanto also sent Ay another distinguished war chief to protect the place. Both these places were obstinately defended and, but for the tragedy which befell the Kakanfò at home, they might have held out longer even if they could not repel the enemy eventually.

¶7 Amepo the Kakanfò being anxious about his men when he heard no news from the seat of war, rode out one morning dressed in his red uniform with only about 20 boys as his attendants. He took the path leading to the seat of conflict to listen if perchance he would hear the sound of musketry showing that his people were Still holding out and the town not yet taken.

¶8 He dismounted under a large tree in the fields, and most unfortunately for him was discovered from afar by a company of Ìlọrin horsemen, who had made excursion into the Wénworo farms, and were returning to their camp at Ago-Oja by way of Akesé. He found himself in a predicament all too late, his body guards were, alas! too voung to defend him, and his corpulency prevented him from springing at once upon his horse and making good his escape. So he was slain there under the tree, and his head and hands were cut off and carried in triumph to the camp before Ojomgbodu. But before doing so, the Ìlọrin horsemen rode back to Akese and called upon the town to surrender under threats of immediate destruction. The Kakanfò being slain, and the war-chiefs absent at Ojomgbodu, the town Akese surrendered at discretion ; but as soon as the horsemen were gone the inhabitants packed up and deserted the town.

¶9 The Kakanfò’s army at Ojomgbodu of course did not know of the tragedy that had befallen their master at home until they were informed the next morning in the battlefield by the Ìlọrin horsemen taunting them. Toconfirm the truth of their statement, Amepo"s speckled hand which was cut off was thrown to them within the town wall for identification. "Know ye whose hand that was? We have slain your master! What is the use of further fighting? Woe betide you if you do not surrender at once." The men were panic stricken and would have fled there and then but for the presence of mind and brave speech of Dado the commander-in-chief. He said to them "The death of our master is no reason why we should give way, let us fight like brave men and not show the white feather." Turning to the besiegers he said "We are here to defend the town not our master whose misfortune is only an incident though a lamentable one. You prepare yourself for a battle to-morrow, for you shall receivesuch a severe encounter as you have never experienced before; you will then know how brave men can resent treachery." This speech created order among the troops and the Ojomgbodu people also were re-assured ; but it was only a ruse in order to make good their escape, for by daybreak, before the Ojomgbodu people knew that they were deserted; Dado had retreated with his army in good order and escaped to Ika-Odan.

§ 2. THE OCCUPATION OF ÌJÀYÈ AND END OF DADO

¶11 Ika-Odan now became the home of the flower of the army from the Ọ̀yọ́ provinces. The leaders here were the only brave generals who would not submit under the yoke of the Ìlọrins, and who held out still until such time that fortune would veer round to their side.

¶12 These refugees soon became masters of the town, the wives and daughters of their hosts became theirs, and the hosts themselves practically their menials.

¶13 Everything at home and in the farms was soon devoured as they lived only by foraging. When nothing remained in the Ika-Odan farms they extended their operations into the Ìjàyè farms. When the Ìjàyès could no longer endure it, and their farms were nearly all eaten up they attacked these marauders ; a skirmish ensued and the foragers finding the men of Ìjàyè too strong for them, sent home for re-inforcements.

¶14 Kuriimi’s advice was for conciliatory measures, considering that these proceedings were rather hard on the people, who really could not help attacking the foragers. But Dado their leader was for opposition. "Cowards" said he, "what can the Ìjàyès do?" Saying this, he hastily put on his armour and rushed on to the scene of the conflict. He was allowed to go on alone, none of the other war-chiefs followed him.

¶15 The foragers seeing their leader coming were inspirited and put forth more efforts, and he led them to victory. They drove the Ìjàyès home, and pressed so closely on their heels that the Jatter could not rally to defend the town, but deserted it and fled on, till they escaped to Ika-Igbo. Ìjàyè now fell into the possession of the assailants who did not fire it, but simply occupied it as was done at Ìbàdàn, each one taking possession of the finest compound he could get.

¶16 Dado now sent to invite Kuriimi and the rest of the war-chiefs at Ika-Odan, and they came and took possession of jaye. Thus that town passed out of the hands of the Ẹ̀gbás, and became an Ọ̀yọ́ town to this day.

¶17 At a special meeting convened to consider their future course it was resolved that they should make [aye their home at least for the present until they could see a brighter prospect of dislodging the Fulanis from Ìlọrin and then return to their own homes. They therefore took possession of the lands and farms along with the houses and proceeded to sow the farms, lest famine should follow the present abundance. Thus they became proprietors of houses, lands and farms not their own. The fields were extensively cultivated, all the war-chiefs with the sole exception of Dado their leader, paid great attention to agriculture, going to their farms daily.

¶18 Dado was of a more restless spirit and was indifferent to agriculture. Nothing delighted him more than the rattle of musketry, for he was never in his element unless he was at the head of his army directing a battle. He often frightened his people home from farm, mistaking the volleys Dado ordered to be fired for an attack on the town. The other war-chiefs petitioned him again and again not to cause such an alarm, but he usually replied in a haughty manner: "Cowards, were I such as you I could not have brought you here, when you wished to negotiate peace with the aborigines."

¶19 Casting this at their teeth day by day, his colleagues felt hurt but were afraid of opposing him till one day Kurumi summoned up courage to do so and was backed by the other chiefs, a civil war ensued and Dado was expelled the town.

¶20 Dado’s Later Career.—To trace the subsequent career of Dado we have to anticipate some events of history yet to be narrated.

¶21 Dado was bold and brave as a warrior, but in his disposition, he was irritable and very proud. On his expulsion from Ìjàyè he went first to Iware, and from thence he crossed the river Ogun going to a small town near Isede called Tobalogbo. He encamped outside the town walls with his few followers, and sent to apprise the Bále of his arrival. His fame as a great warrior having travelled far and wide the Tobalogbo treated him with every mark of respect, supplying him and his followers with provisions, and on the next day he came out with his chiefs to pay his respects to the fallen general.

¶22 Whilst the Bále and chiefs prostrated before this monster in the act of salutation, he ordered them all to be decapitated! He and his men then rushed into the town and captured it. He cared only for the booty and not for making it his residence ; he, therefore, passed on to the town of Aborerin near Iberekodo and there he built a house and resided with his family and about 400 men. Subsequently he left Aborerin with his family and belongings and wishing to try the fortunes of war once more, he joined an Ìbàdàn contingent under Osun the chief of the Ìbàdàn cavalry in an expedition in aid of Oniyefun. When Osun fell in battle, and Oniyefun was reduced by the Ẹ̀gbás, he narrowly escaped with a handful of his men, leaving his wives and children at the mercy of the conquerors and escaped to Ijaka. Divine retribution now began to overtake him for his cruelties and for his heartless treachery and cold-blooded murder of Tobalogbo and his chiefs. He lost everything at Oniyefun, and from that time he went up and down the country as a "fugitive and vagabond." After some time spent at Ijaka he came to Ìbàdàn ; he accompanied Lakanlé the Ìbàdàn commander-in-chief to the Arakanga war {to be related afterwards) ; on their return he went to Ìlọrin and retumed again to Ìbàdàn. Fortune was altogether against him He outlived his fame and glory, suffered from penury and want and was reduced to a nonentity.

¶23 After Lakanle’s death, having no one to befriend him at Ìbàdàn again, he went once more to Ìjàyè. Kurumi was then at the zenith of his glory, with the old animosity against Dado still rankling in his breast. Hesent for him one day and as Dado lay prostrate before him Kurumi ordered him to be decapitated!

¶24 Thus the same measure was meted to him, as he once meted to his hosts of Tobalogbo.

¶25 The Occupation of Abemo.—Kurumi of Ìjàyè was an arbitrary and domineering chief, and moreover tribal jealousies and clanship were rife among the chiefs who now occupy Ìjàyè as they were from different provinces and townships brought together here by one common calamity. Kurumi and the Ikoyi chiefs with him were from the Metropolitan province.

¶26 The notable war-chiefs from Akesé were :—Ayd, Adekambi, Ajadi, Sukoto, Bankole, Lahan, Aruno-agba-ni-igbe and Oluwolé. These chiefs from the Epd districts could not endure the hauteur of Kurumi who was backed up by the Ikoyi chiefs. They hold themselves superior to the Akesé chiefs. Ikoyi was indeed the premier provincial city next to the Metropolis, and the Oníkòyí the ALÁÀFIN’S viceregent, but these chiefs seem to have forgotten that they were no longer worthy of the honour they now claimed since they have become disloyal to the Crown.

¶27 However, in order to avoid a civil war from constant friction the above-mentioned Akesé chiefs with their men left Ìjàyè in a body and retired to Abemo, a town 12 miles distant (midway between Ìjàyè and the present Ọ̀yọ́) under the leadership of chief Ayd. We now have two rival towns, Ìjàyè occupied by the Ikoyi chiefs, and Abemo by the Akesé chiefs.

§3. HOW ÌBÀDÀN FINALLY BECAME A YORUBA TOWN THE FALL OF MÁYÈ

¶29 The marauders who settled at Ìbàdàn after the fall of Oorun and all the Gbagura towns (as we have mentioned above) comprised the Ifẹ̀, Ìjẹ̀bú, Ọ̀yọ́, and Ẹ̀gbá chiefs with their men. Chief Máyè an Ifẹ̀ was the acknowledged head of them all. He was a proud, haughty, and irritable man, overbearing to all; Lakanle the Ọ̀yọ́ leader (as above mentioned) was the only man who could speak when Máyè was in a rage. The Ifẹ̀s generally regarded the Ọ̀yọ́s of the settlement as slaves because they were homeless refugees ; they treated them little better than they would dogs. Máyè handled them with an iron hand, and denied them every security either of their goods or of their lives ; they were oppressed and beaten with impunity.

¶30 The Ọ̀yọ́s, groaning under this yoke of bondage sought every opportunity for lifting up their heads, but the very name of Máyè inspired such a dread in all, that no plan could be acted upon. The bards sang of him as the greatest general of the day, a man who commanded an amount of dread and respect, unsurpassed by any, etc. But, like Napoleon after Moscow, "From the highest to the lowest, there is but one step;" So it was with Máyè. His fall was sudden and complete.

¶31 Two neighbours were quarrelling over a piece of ground used in common as a dunghill, one was an Òwu man, Amejiogbe by name, one of Máyè’s soldiers, the other an Ọ̀yọ́ man; both of them private soldiers. But as Ọ̀yọ́s were treated like dogs, when Máyè came out, he asked no questions about the case, but sided with the Òwu man and simply drew his sword and cut off the head of the Oyoman. Instantly a hue and cry was raised, and an alarm given that Máyè was putting all Ọ̀yọ́s to death! The Ọ̀yọ́s became desperate, and all flew to arms. Máyè was taken aback with surprise to see them making a dead set at him. They refused to hear his plea for selfdefence, and would not allow him to re-enter his house ; he was beset on every side and driven out of the town. He escaped on foot by the way of the present Abẹ́òkúta gate and crossed the river Ona followed by some of the Ifẹ̀ chiefs e.g. Aponju-olosun, Aregbe Deriokun, etc.

¶32 After this, the Ọ̀yọ́ chiefs began to feel ill at ease, and were the first to offer him terms of reconciliation. They knew his fame and valour and were trembling for the possible consequences. In the afternoon an embassy was sent to him with a humble apology and petition saying "Our Father should return home, our Father should not spend the night in the bush." He answered the messengers roughly and swore by the gods that he would surely destroy the town and that before long.

¶33 The next day higher grades of ambassadors were sent to sue for peace, and with them large baskets of provisions for himself and his followers because "Father must be hungry since yesterday." These were not even allowed to approach his camp, and some of the Ọ̀yọ́s who accompanied him as personal friends sent privately to apprise their country-men that it was of no use their waiting for an answer, the great chief would neither listen to them nor even grant them an interview and it was in vain to hope that he would agree to return to Ìbàdàn.

¶34 The ambassadors had to return home to report their ill success but they lett behind all the provisions they took with them in hopes that his followers would take them away after they had gone.

¶35 The chiefs were much disappointed at this turn of affairs and blamed themselves for their rashness and instructed the ambassadors not to wait for further orders but that by early dawn they should proceed once more and offer their humble submission and say that they would agree to any fine he would be pleased to impose upon them as a condition of his returning home.

¶36 In the meantime a meeting was convened to consider what further steps should be taken ; they decided to levy a tax upon all the people in order to raise money for the fine. But the messengers soon returned with a distressing report :—"The master’s camp, has been broken up, the food they carried the previous day was left untouched, for hawks, crows, and vultures to feed upon, nor could anyone tell his route or destination!"

¶37 It was surmised that he probably went to join the Ẹ̀gbás at Abẹ́òkúta to raise an army to fight them; but a few days after, a farmer reported that he saw a broad path leading to Idomapa in the south. Máyè then was the guest of Oluwolé of Idomapa, but the people of Eriimu invited him to Eriimu, offering him their support and friendship because his calamity was caused by his espousing the cause of an Òwu man. We have seen above, that Eriimu was the chief vassal state of Òwu and that to this place the Olowu and his people escaped when the city of Òwu was taken.

¶38 They were determined to avenge Máyè’s wrongs, and with such a distinguished commander on their side, they hoped to be able to annihilate these Ọ̀yọ́ marauders, the principal agents in the destruction of their capital city.

¶39 Before they were prepared to lay siege to Ìbàdàn, the Erumu people and their guests began at once to make predatory incursions into the Ìbàdàn farms, kidnapping also the caravans with corn and other foodstuffs from Ikiré so as to cut off their food supplies and distress them by starvation before reducing them by war at the ensuing dry season.

¶40 This state of things continued nearly a whole year and during that time vast preparations were made to crush Ìbàdàn by an overwhelming force. An alliance was formed with the Ifẹ̀ towns of Ikiré, Apomu, Ipetumodu and other towns in their neighbourhood, and a large army was raised against Ìbàdàn. The Ẹ̀gbás 24T

¶41 also were invited as allies, as all have their grievances to avenge on the new occupants of Ìbàdàn. Two famous commanders Degesin and Ogini led the Ẹ̀gbá contingents ; they marched through the Ìbàdàn farms in the south to join the main army at Idomapa.

¶42 The Ghanamu War. The Ìbàdàn chiefs met this overwhelming force with courage and determination but the odds were against them ; at every battle in spite of all they could do, they lost ground and the assailants advanced to within a mile or a mile and a half of the town. The Ìbàdàns in their extremity were obliged to ask help from Kuriimi of Ìjàyè who readily responded to their call. They were all one people whom acommon calamity compelled to these parts, and they had to make a new home and defend it. Kuriimi arrived at Ìbàdàn on a Friday, but as Fridays were considered inauspicious days the Ìbàdàn chiefs suggested that the fight should be postponed till the next day. Kuriimi replied, "Tt is true Fridays areinauspicious, but it is only so to aggressors, not to defenders of hearth and home." The last decisive battle then was fought on that day. It was a bloody day. Equal courage and valour were displayed on both sides, but in the end, though outnumbered by far, the superior military skill of Kurimi and the Ìbàdàns won the day. For the Ìbàdàns it was a life and death struggle, and because it was mostly a hand to hand fight in which swordsmen proved themselves a match for those with firearms the battle was named "Gba’namu "(grasping fire). Rushing upon their assailants sword in hand and grasping the barrel of the gun, the Ìbàdàns averted the fatal discharge of the weapon while using their swords and cutlasses with effect. Thus the Ifẹ̀, Òwu, and Ẹ̀gbá allies were completely routed. Several of their leaders were made prisoners and put to death. Máyè the great commander was taken prisoner by a common soldier, and as he was being led to the town all the war-chiefs refused to see his face.

¶43 It is a common belief amongst warriors in this country that any war-chief, who ordered a brother war-chief, his equal in arms, to execution, will surely meet with the same fate at no distant date. Therefore, although the whole of the chiefs desired his execution yet no one was bold enough to show his face and order it, and take upon himself the responsibility for what all desired. Both the captor and the captive fully understood the import of the phrase "Let him not see my face." It meant his death warrant. Máyè therefore cried out: "E mada a se, E fi oju mi kan alagba! E ma da a se, E fi oju mi kan Lakanle. (Do not take the responsibility, bring me before a chief; do not take the responsibility, bring me before Lakanle). But all in vain, his fate had been sealed by the chiefs declining to see him, and so the great Máyè was beheaded by a common soldier. Degesin and OOgini the Ẹ̀gbá commanders also shared his fate.

¶44 Chief Kurumi claimed the honour of the victory and hence his bards sang to his praise "O pa Máyè, o pa Ogini, O pa Degesin, O fi oko ti Ifẹ̀ laiya" (he slew Máyè, he slew OOgini and Degesin and thrust his spear into the bieasts of the Ifẹ̀s).

¶45 By this victory the remnant of the Ọ̀yọ́ refugees was saved.

¶46 THE ERUMU WAR

¶47 The victors followed up their victory and encamped against Eriimu. Reinforcements came for them from Ìwó, Èdè, Apomu and other places; the Ọ̀yọ́ refugees in those parts joining their brethren at the siege of Ertimu so that the doomed town was hemmed in on every side: indeed they had to fight from within their walls. As the besiegers could neither force the gates nor scale or beat down the walls, they were content to reduce the town by famine. The most disgusting creatures were used for food, and even greedily devoured in order to sustain life! It passed into a proverb "When the price of a frog came to 120 cowries then Eriimu was taken."

¶48 The siege of Erimu recalled that of Oke Suna in the fight between Solagberu and Abudusalami.

¶49 The following anecdotes illustrative of the horrors of the siege. of Erimu were told by eye-witnesses :—

¶50 Corn planted within the walls of the town wanted but a few weeks for ripening when the famished inhabitants could no longer wait for a full corn, everyone helping himself not only to the immature corn but also the corn-stalks. It was so much relished that one of them was heard to say that he did not know before that corn stalks were so delicious and that henceforth he would ever be using it as an article of food.

¶51 Another reported the case of a good-looking and well-to-do young woman, a snuff seller, at Eriimu. Before the war broke out, her beauty and style always attracted young men to her side in the shed where she was grinding and retailing snuff. Her stall was so clean and so well-polished that they required no mats to sit upon, they would just squat on the ground about her. This well-to-do woman was so famished that she died of starvation at her stall in the open thoroughfare, and of all her admirers not one was found to do her the honour of a burial!

¶52 Again, another eye-witness among the besiegers related that whilst bathing in a stream which flowed through the town to the camp, he often saw myriads of maggots which he could not account for as if the water bred them, but when Eriimu was taken he saw hundreds of putrefying bodies in the stream within the town and this accounted for the maggots he saw in such abundance lower down as the stream flowed by the camp.

¶53 On the town being taken the Oluroko (or king) of Erimu and the king of Idomapa were caught and slain. Also the Olowu was now caught who (as was related above) escaped thither when the city of Òwu was destroyed. Now, he was a provincial King of great importance, a real crowned head, and his case caused the victors some embarrassment. No pure Yoruba would venture to lay hands on a king even if worthy of death ; insuch an event the king would simply be told that he was rejected and, noblesse oblige, he would commit suicide by poison.

¶54 The Olowu, although now a prisoner of war, was regarded with so much reverence that none of the chiefs would dare order his execution, and yet they could not keep him nor would they let him go. His death was compassed in a diplomatic manner.

¶55 The conquerors pretended to be sending him to the Owoni of Ifẹ̀, who alone may be regarded as his peer in this part of the country, and he was to be accompanied by one of his own slaves as a personal attendant and by some messengers to the Owoni as his escort. But the slave, who was supplied with a loaded gun as his master’s bodyguard, had been privately instructed that at a given signal from the escort he was to shoot his master dead, and that he would be granted his freedom and loaded with riches as well. Thus they proceeded on their way until they came to the bank of the river Osun when the signal was given and the slave shot his master dead on the spot! These "messengers" now set up a hue and cry of horror and surprise: "What! You slave! How dare you kill your royal master? Death is even too good for you." And in order to exonerate themselves of all complicity in the matter, they set upon the poor slave attacking him on all sides and clubbed him to death saying "The murder of the king must be avenged." They then dammed up the river in its course and dug the king’s grave deep in the bed of it, and there they buried the corpse whilst uttering this disclaimer :—

¶56 "O King, we have no hands in your cruel murder. The onus of it rests with your slave and we have avenged you by putting him to death, and he is to be your attendant in the other world." ©

¶57 They then allowed the river to flow on in its channel over the grave. Burying the king in the bed of the river was regarded as an expiation made for his murder, because they were conscious of guilt although they attributed the act to the slave. Withsuch reverence and sanctity was the person of a king regarded. The divine right of kings is an article of belief among the Yorubas.

¶58 Such was the end of the last king of the famous city of Òwu. The title is continued by a representative of the family at Abẹ́òkúta.

§ 4. THE SETTLEMENT OF ÌBÀDÀN

¶60 After the fall of Eriimu the war chiefs returned to Ìbàdàn and the rest of the people who joined the war as volunteers returned to their respective homes. It was not till this time that Ìbàdàn was peopled by Ọ̀yọ́s chiefly. Everyone of these war-chiefs entered the allied army of Ifẹ̀ and Ìjẹ̀bú at Idi Ogiigun as a private volunteer, but they soon showed their capabilities in the various wars. Oppressed and enslaved by the Ifẹ̀s, scorned by the Ìjẹ̀bús, in pure self-defence they banded themselves together under a leader for mutual protection and notwithstanding the great disadvantage under which they were placed, they vindicated their superiority and at last obtained the ascendancy in the town.

¶61 Under such circumstances did the Ọ̀yọ́s become masters of Ìbàdàn. Hence the allegation that it was they who expelled the Ẹ̀gbás from their original home and took Possession of the same is wholly inaccurate, and the bad feeling which this impression has created and perpetuated between the two peoples unto this day is hereby shown to be groundless.

¶62 Ìbàdàn then consisted of the central market and about half. a mile of houses around. The town wall was where the principal mosque now stands.

¶63 Hitherto Ìbàdàn has been occupied as a military headquarter for marauding and other expeditions, but after this war, at a public meeting held to consider their future course, it was resolved that as they now intend to make this place their home they should arrange for a settled government and take titles. Oluyedun came first. He was the son of the late Àfọ̀njá of Ìlọrin, and as such, the scion of anoble house. He was honoured and respected by all. He might have been the Bále, but he preferred to adopt his father’s title of Kakanfò and it was conceded him, not for his valour, but for his age and dignity, being a survivor of the men of the preceding generation.

¶64 Next came Lakanle "the bravest of the brave." He might have taken the title of Balógun or commander-in-chief, as he had hitherto been their principal leader in war, but Kakanfò being a military title, that of Balógun would be superfluous. He then became the Ofun Kakanfò and Olúyọ̀lé the Òsì Kakanfò.

¶65 The others were: Adelakun the Ekerin (fourth), Olumaiye the Ekarun (fifth) Abitiko Ekefa (sixth) Kejithe Ave Abese. To Osun was the honour given to confer these titles, and he in turn was created the Savumi (chief of the cavalry). Only a single Ifẹ̀ chief remained at Ìbàdàn and that was Labosinde, and even he (as was mentioned above) had Ọ̀yọ́ blood in his veins through his mother. He was very gentle, good-natured and fatherly to all. Even during the days of Máyè the Ọ̀yọ́ chiefs had an affection and great respect for him as a father. At the expulsion of Máyè when the other Ifẹ̀ chiefs joined him, he took no sides and hence he was allowed to remain. After Máyè’s tall he did not aspire to the leadership of the people, preferring private life to the responsibilities of government. He was a man who loved peace; he would never carry arms nor allow any to be carried before him even in those turbulent days, except in the battlefield. A bundle of whips was all usually carried before him, as used to be done before the Roman Tribunes of old, and with this token of authority he was able several times to disband men in arms and put an end to civil fights. The combatants as soon as they saw the bundle of whips coming would cease firing, saying to one another "Baba:mbo" "baba mbo" (father is coming, father is coming). His title now is Baba Isale i.e. chief adviser, lit father underneath (for counsel).

¶66 It will be noticed that (except this last) all the principal titles were military titles. Ìbàdàn has kept that up unto this day.

¶67 Although they seemed to be now settled, yet they really lived by plunder and rapine. A single stalk of corn could scarcely be seen in an Ìbàdàn farm in the days of Máyè, and although Lakanle encouraged husbandry, yet the people were so much given to slave hunting that they could not grow corn enough for home consumption. The women of those days were as hardy as the men, and often went in a body—as caravans—to Ikiré and Apomu for corn and other foodstuffs although the road was unsafe from kidnappers. They supplied the town with food whilst the men were engaged in slave hunting. One company returning would meet another just going out, and often, an unsuccessful individual returning would go back with the outgoing company to try another chance without first reaching home. Ill-luck of one did not prevent another company venturing out.

¶68 At home violence, oppression, robbery, man-stealing were the order of the day. A special gag was invented for the mouth of human beings to prevent any one stolen from crying out and being discovered by his friends. No one dared go out at dusk for the men-stealers were out already prowling about for their prey. Thus even the great Máyè was once stolen on going out one night. He offered no resistance but went quietly with the man-stealer, who, on reaching home, called for a light to inspect his victim. Finding to his dismay that it was the great chief Máyè himself, he nearly died of fright. Quaking and trembling he prostrated at his feet and begged for his life. So bad were those days at Ìbàdàn and so callous had the people become that if a woman or a child was heard to cry out "E gba mi, won mu mi o" (O help me, I am taken) the usual answer from indoors was "Maha ba a lo" (you can go along with him). The moral and social atmosphere of such a place as has been described could easily be imagined. Yet they were destined by God to play a most important part in the history of the Yorubas, to break the Fulani yoke and save the rest of the country from foreign domination ; in short to be a protector as well as a scourge in the land as we shall see hereafter.

¶69 A nation born under such strenuous circumstances cannot but leave the impress of its hardihood and warlike spirit on succeeding generations, and so we find it at Ìbàdàn to this day. It being the Divine prerogative to use whomsoever He will to effect His Divine purpose, God uses a certain nation or individual as the scourge of another nation and when His purposes are fulfilled He casts the scourge away.