Chapter 18. A Glorious End And The Gory Dawn Of Two Reigns—The Ìjàyè War

§ zr. DEATH OF KING ÀTÌBÀ.

¶2 ÀTÌBÀ the ALÁÀFIN of Ọ̀yọ́ lived to a good old age. Of few Kings do we know so much as we do of him ; he was a link with the past, and lived within the days of authentic history. He was the father of several princes and princesses whose names are the following :—

¶3 Princes. Princesses.

¶4 Adelu (The Crown Prince) Boje Adeweni Adelabu Adeleye Atowuro Ogboja III.. Adesiyen Adesetan II. Adedoja Ade Oyé Adeyemi Adedotun Durokilu Adeyimka Adediran Àfọ̀njá Ogboja I. Ogboja IV. Adejumo Agbonrin Ogboja II. Siyé Olawoyin Tela Okiti papa Akere I. Ogboja V. Tela Agboju Ogo Akere II. Popoola

¶5 Vogun &(Adeduntan Lapemog Ala Momodu E 1 aa Ogboja VI. Adewusi Adesokan Akere ITI. Adetola

¶6 Adesetan I. Adejojo

¶7 Of these the 1st and the 4th succeeded to the throne.

¶8 A few remarks on some of the princes :—

¶9 Adelu was much older than his brothers or sisters, for he was born when his father was quite a young man, long before he entered into his career of a war-like prince. He was much beloved by his father because he was a very dutiful son and shared with him most of the dangers and privations of war in those turbulent days of his early career. By virtue of his birthright he became the AREMO when his father ascended the throne.

¶10 Ogo was the Aremo Oye i.e., the first born after the father’s accession.

¶11 Adewust was Adelu’s brother, of the same mother, and was of a contrary disposition. He was wild, undutiful and cruel. He once quarrelled with his father, and with a cutlass cut off all the mattings that enclosed the Aganju (throne room). He quarrelled with his half brother Ala by seizing from him a plot of land the latter had obtained for farming, containing many palm and kola trees. Adewusi went and secured the same spot for himself by affixing thereon a symbol of the Egugun curse on any trespasser. When Ala went to remonstrate with him, he stabbed him to death with a knife! The father thereupon sentenced him to be executed by strangling!

¶12 Ala was of the same mother with Adelabu.

¶13 Adeyemi who subsequently succeeded his brother on the throne was of the same mother as Olawoyin. He enjoyed the longest reign of modern times ; more of him hereafter.

¶14 Agbonrin, nick-named Allah ni yio bo Asiri (God will hide secrets) was also a prince of a most cruel disposition. His favourite (?) wife was once preparing his Okra leaf sauce with strained ash, which was a milder form of the carbonate of potash used in such cases. He thereupon compelled her to drink a calabashful of caustic potash, and she died soon after from inflammation of the stomach and bowels. He once caught a young man in his farm cutting palm nuts. Upon his begging him to spare his life Agbonrin said he would do so if the young man could climb up again and replace the nuts; this being impossible he clubbed him to death!

¶15 The conduct of many of these princes brought great discredit on royalty. Very few of the crimes they committed ever reached the ears of their father for who would undertake to report them. Hence the licence they allowed themselves without the father’s knowledge for he never spared them.

¶16 King ÀTÌBÀ was now old and full of years. Early in the year 1858 he was resolved on celebrating the Bebe (the Bebe is akin to the Royal Jubilee, and only Kings who have had a long and peaceful reign celebrate it). Yorubaland is now free from the incursions of foreign foes, the Fulanis of Ìlọrin permanently checked. All now was peace ; the people were content and prosperous, and therefore the King thought a Bebe should be celebrated. But inasmuch as the few Kings who celebrated it died soon after doing so, that festival came to to be regarded as celebrating one’s funeral rites, hence Bebe is sometimes termed the "Iku "(death).

¶17 The Are of Ìjàyè and others who were attached to him strongly advised him not to doit, as it might portend his death. His Majesty replied "Well, I am old enough and do not care to live much longer."

¶18 Notification of this was sent round everywhere and delegates came from every part of the Yoruba country to observe this festival with the King. From Saki alone came about 200 Eguguns, and so from all other Oke Ogun towns for the ceremonies.

¶19 Booths were erected all over the palace street from the Abata (frontage of the palace) to the Akesan market for the visitors. The Ọ̀yọ́ noblemen also lived in tents, in front of their houses, until the ceremonies were over.

¶20 The ceremonies partook of the character partly of the coronation and partly of the funeral rites, the principal part of it being done privately, at dead of night.

¶21 On the eve of the Bebe the King paid a visit to the Bara to perform certain ceremonies there as a thank-offering sacrifice to his fathers. We have mentioned in Part I. that only on the coronation do the Kings ever enter there, and never afterwards till they are taken there for interment. This festival forms an exception.

¶22 Tents made of beautifully woven cloths were set up and enclosed with mattings at the Abata, the Akesan, the Apini, and near the Bara for the King as on the coronation. Attended by all the noblemen he issued from the palace and entered each of these tents in succession, the noblemen waiting outside and only one woman (probably a priestess) accompanied him into the tent. He remained half an hour or an hour in each performing certain . ceremonies, and sent presents of kola nuts to those waiting outside and so on till he reached the Bara. On his return, that very evening the general festivities began. All the Egiiguns observed a vigil, the voice of the Agan being heard all night. The next day an Egiigun confinement was proclaimed in which all women and children must remain indoors. The Egiiguns our readers will remember are the denizens of the other world, and are supposed to be our dead relatives on a visit to us.

¶23 For a limited space of time during the day, licence was granted to all the Egtiguns’ attendants to seize goats, sheep or fowl found in the streets: none was to exceed that fixed time, whoever did was arrested and made to pay a fine of 25 heads of cowries (equiv. to £1 5s. then) for each animal. In the afternoon of this day the King came outside the palace attended again by a woman, the large gate being shut; the whole area between the palace and the Akesan was full of Egiiguns. He sat on a hide, and reclined on a bolster, the wife sitting by his side was by special permission initiated into the Egiigun mysteries. Then appeared the supposed spirit of his father dressed in the skin of the red monkey ; the King prostrated before his father and the "monkey "rubbed him all over with its tail and blessed him.

¶24 It was supposed that Eru-ifa one of his slaves was under the mask on this occasion. The King’s "funeral" expenses on this occasion can only be imagined.

¶25 Not long after this celebration, the King’s health which had not been very good lately, markedly declined. He was soon reported ill. Whether anything deleterious to health was applied on him with the tail of the red monkey or not, we cannot tell, but His Majesty succumbed under the ailment and was gathered unto his fathers, and the Bara was soon again the scene of a great ceremony sombre and sad.

¶26 Before the King’s death, anticipating trouble for his eldest son Adelu, from sticklers after precedents, he reminded the Ìbàdàns of the new law of succession he had sanctioned and begged them to stand by the Crown Prince and support his claim for he did not wish him to die with his father. And this they promised on oath. Thus passed away ÀTÌBÀ the first ALÁÀFIN of the present Ọ̀yọ́ and ADELU his son was proclaimed King in his stead.

§ 2. CIRCUMSTANCES THAT LED TO THE ÌJÀYÈ WAR.

¶28 ADELU the son and successor of ÀTÌBÀ was acknowledged King by all, except Kurumi the Are of Ìjàyè.

¶29 Towards the latter end of Àtìbà’s reign, there was some disaffection between him and the Are; this breach with the Crown widened by the succession of ADELU whom the Are refused to acknowledge as a lawful successor to his father. "It is contrary to custom "said he, "and the Aremo should die with his father." He never repaired to Ọ̀yọ́ to do homage according to custom, nor even sent a congratulatory message. He was for seeking for another prince of the older line, of the royal family at Igboho or Kihisi to succeed ÀTÌBÀ, but ADELU having been duly elected and accepted by the denizens of the palace and obtaining the support of the Ìbàdàn chiefs, ascended the throne in due form, and the pretext for an open rupture which the Are had long been seeking was hereby afforded. The common people also catching the spirit of the times sang in their dances:

¶30 ‘* ÀTÌBÀ ma ti ilo, (‘ Atisa don’t go yet awhile, Duro de ADELUO!" Wait for your ADELU pray!")

¶31 The ALÁÀFIN was conciliatory towards the Are, who was the comrade of his father in their old warlike days, but the Are remained irreconcilable. Every means of averting war was resorted to, but the Are remained obdurate and insolent. Matters came to a crisis when a rich lady Abu by name, died intestate at Ijanna; she left no heirs, and as such the property reverted to the Crown. But Ijanna being directly under Ìjàyè, owing to the breach between the King and Kuriimi, the townfolk were divided in their opinions as to the disposal of the property. They feared the power of Ìjàyè on the one hand and yet loyalty to the Crown dictated a contrary action ; so one party sent to Ọ̀yọ́ to request that the King should send to take over the property, the other party sent a similar message to Ìjàyè. The King anticipating danger to those whom he sent for the treasure ordered a well equipped force under Akingbehin Aleyo the Ona-aka, and the Aremo’s Balógun to escort them. But Kuriimi sent a body of troops to waylay them, and the Ọ̀yọ́ escorts with the messengers bringing the treasures were attacked by the Ìjàyè troops at Apata Maba near Oke ’ho and were dispersed some escaping to Oke’ho others to Ìṣẹ́yìn. Within four days they collected themselves together at Ìṣẹ́yìn and met there with the Oro traders who could not return home for fear of the Ìjàyè kidnappers but who now availed themselves of the protection of the escorts to return home.

¶32 The Ìjàyè troops under the command of Amodu intercepted them again between Ìṣẹ́yìn and Ọ̀yọ́. The Ìjàyès encamped on a rock named afterwards Apata Jabata because there the Jabata of Ọ̀yọ́ fell. When they met, the Ọ̀yọ́ escorts asked, "And who are ye?" They replied, "We are from Ọ̀yọ́ sent by the ALÁÀFIN to escort you home," allowing them to come very near; when suddenly the Ìjàyè troops opened fire upon them and so dispersed the Ọ̀yọ́ troops with the traders and all. About 240 of them were taken captive exclusive of some minor chiefs, e.g. Aridede, Aleyo, Jigin, etc. The head priest of Ṣàngó lost 10 of his daughters caught in this raid.

¶33 The ALÁÀFIN sent again and again requesting the Are to release them but he obstinately refused to do so, saying unless they were redeemed for 10 bags of cowries each. [The price of slaves at that period being about half that amount.]

¶34 The ALÁÀFIN sent back to say "I have a claim on you to demand the release of these people, for besides being the King of YORUBA to whom allegiance is due, remember what I did for you in the past. When you sent one Dayiro on an expedition and the people of Saki defeated him and made about 210 of his men prisoners, did I not use my authority and influence and obtain the release of them all and send them to you free of charge? Why should you now detain my own people?"

¶35 [The above incident relates to one of the acts of the King to conciliate the Are’s refractoriness}. Still the Are refused pointblank to release them. And further, in order to avert war with Ìjàyè, His Majesty sent the Samu (one of the Ọ̀yọ́ MEsi) via Ìjàyè to Ìbàdàn to ask the Ìbàdàn Chiefs to second his remonstrance and prevail on the Are to release his people. The Are was inexorable, and even chased the Samu on his way to Ìbàdàn; the Samu escaped the pursuers and returned home via Ìwó. The ALÁÀFIN

¶36 then gave orders that the Ọ̀yọ́ people should go to Ìjàyè and redeem each one his relatives as soon as possible.

¶37 The ALÁÀFIN was now determined to punish Ìjàyè by the help of the Ìbàdàns; he therefore sent to them 40 slaves, 8 demijohns of beads, with gowns and vests, saying he had declared war against Ìjàyè.

¶38 The matter was taken up warmly at Ìbàdàn ; many remembered that the town was placed under a ban by the late Baṣọ̀run Olúyọ̀lé who failed to take it himself. The Balógun of Ìbàdàn alone among the senior chiefs was for peaceful measures. "Kuriimi is an old man "said he, "and will soon die, and the Ìjàyès are our kinsmen."

¶39 The other chiefs imposed a fine on him for thus "betraying cowardice." But they knew well enough his matchless valour and undaunted courage, and the real cause of his reluctance to rush into a war of this kind. Ìjàyè was a town of equal importance with Ìbàdàn, equal in valour, courage, and skill, and both with vast connections between each other and all over the country ; for them to engage in war would mean deluging the whole of Yorubaland with blood. But when he could not prevail over his generals, and the common soldiers affixed a crow to his house at night implying that he was a coward (as cowardly as a crow is a common expression in this country); and also threw stones into his house, he yielded to public opinion and commenced his own preparations for war.

¶40 When the Are of Ìjàyè heard of the movement against him, being self-confident he was loud in his boastings: "On this post will I chain that imp of Ògúnmọ́lá," "Ibikunle will have cause to remember the Odogido disaster," and so forth. He gave orders that all the youths of Ìjàyè should be trained to the use of bow and arrows, the older men superintending the practice. To those who succeeded as good marksmen he awarded prizes. This practice was termed "Sé e" and was carried out daily without intermission.

¶41 Being fond of singing and dancing the Are kept amusing himself with parabolic songs and witty sayings e.g.

¶42 "A ta opolo ni ipa, o sun ikaka, Gbogbo wa ni yio ku bere." (A frog is kicked and lies on its back, We shall all die by myriads.)

¶43 The common people took up the same against the ALÁÀFIN

¶44 and the Ìbàdàns. Against the Ìbàdàns they sang :— "Ìbàdàn a kd gba Ajele Ìbàdàn we can accept no Resident, Orogun li awa ise." For rivals are we. This meant to say "We cannot serve or yield to you." N

¶45 Against the ALÁÀFIN they sang :—

¶46 ‘*L’aiye Onalu! li a ro okan le okan L’aiye Kurumi li a ro’gba ro’gba _L’aiye Adelu ni ipele di itele idi." (In Onalu’s time we used changes of dress. In Kuriimi’s time we used cloths of the finest weaving In Adelu’s time our best becomes our every day’s.)

¶47 This last description of Adelu’s time is a well-understood irony. It is a common saying in this country "Ibere otosi bi omo oloro la iri" (When poverty begins, one appears like a rich man’s son) which means that when one cannot afford to replace the everyday dress, one resorts to his best for every day use and thus appears like a rich man; but the real condition soon becomes apparent when this cannot be replaced. This condition is what they would now apply to Adelu’s regime.

¶48 The tocsin of war was now resounding from one end of the country to another. Kurumi disallowed the exportation of foodstuffs to Ìbàdàn. The Ìbàdàns sought the alliance or at least the neutrality of Abẹ́òkúta and Ìlọrin and pressed into service the Ọ̀yọ́ towns under her protection. Kurumi sent one Oje to conclude an alliance with the Ẹ̀gbás and to procure ammunition, but Ògúnmọ́lá of Ìbàdàn, who was entrusted with the negotiations with Abẹ́òkúta forestalled him, and they took an oath of friendship and neutrality with Ìbàdàn.

¶49 The populace of Ìbàdàn were now singing in their dances :—

¶50 "Akope Ìjàyè ki o ma ko ti Ika mo, Onigbo da ’gbo meji." (Palm cutters of Ìjàyè do not venture to Ika, The lord of the forests divides it in two.)

¶51 By a transposition of names the Ìjàyès were singing the same ditty, Ika being just midway between the two towns. Intercommunication now ceased. On all hands were heard "Onile ki o gbe ile ko kan odi yiyan." (Let every man keep to his own house, that need not imply animosity.) The kidnappers soon began to infest the farms; thus the Ìbàdàns kidnapped two American missionaries who hearing of the rumours of war and incursions of the kidnappers went in search of Mr. J. C. Vaughan at his farm at Ido. Mr. Vaughan had escaped back to Ìjàyè by another route, and the missionaries were caught and brought to Ìbàdàn

¶52 on the 2oth of February 1860. These war boys, not knowing what to do with white men, brought them with their horses mounted as they were, to the Rev. D. Hinderer, saying "White man, we have brought you your brothers," Mr. Hinderer thanked them and gave them some cowries to procure refreshments. The gentlemen were sent on to Abẹ́òkúta the next day, communication with that town being then still free and uninterrupted.

¶53 All hopes of a pacific settlement were now given up, for private messages, advices, and remonstrances were without number to the Are; but for all this Kurumi remained unyielding to the King, and defiant to Ìbàdàn. War was now formally declared. When at the next meeting of the town council, the Balógun arose in his place and harangued the assembly ending with "Eyin omo Jama, Mo fi Ìjàyè jin o" (Young men, Ìjàyè is now given up to you) a loud and prolonged huzza of "Muso, Muso," greeted his astonished ears. He was painfully impressed with the knowledge of how popular the war was. Ọ̀rànyàn was worshipped and the standard of war was borne out once more by the valiant and experienced commander-in-chief Ibikunle on the roth of April, 1860. It was known to all that Balógun Ibikunle went forth to this war with great réluctance. He had seen many battles and known well the horrors of a siege, and of all sieges one against one’s own blood relations was particularly horrid and heartrending to him. Inter-marriages and national festivals which they had in common had made them one; they were sharers together in times past of weal and woe; supply of foodstuffs for overgrown Ìbàdàn came largely from Ìjàyè where the soil was fertile and the people industrious. These considerations therefore made the bravest shrink from a war that might possibly be averted.

¶54 When starting for the expedition, as soon as his foot was on the stirrup, his Akewi (bard) gave utterance to the following pathetic strains.

¶55 "Baba mi fire igbo odajuo! o! o! Nibi ti Olomo meji yio ku okan, Nibi ti Olomo kan yio pdhéra, "Iya mi ni fima wa’—ki o pada lehin Baba mi, "Baba mi ni ima wa’—ki o pada lehin Baba mi, Kiniun Onibudo. "Iyawo mi to igbe ’—ki o pada lehin Baba mi, i, i, Kiriniun Onibudo." (My master is going to the field of the heartless ah! ah! ah me!

¶56 Where the parent of two will be left with but one, Where the parent of one will be left all forlorn.

¶57 Let him whose mother forbids him to come return from following my Lord, Let him whose father forbids him to come return from following my Lord. The Lion of the Master of camps, Let him whose betrothed is of age to be wed return from following my Lord. The Lion of the Master of camps).

¶58 As the expedition started the drummer struck up the war march "Kiriniun Onibudo."

¶59 {Toki surnamed Onibudo, master of camps, it will be remembered was a formidable war-chief, the Sẹ́rìkí of the Ìbàdàn army and the uncle of this chief. He succeeded his uncle as Sẹ́rìkí from which post he rose to be Balógun. He is eulogized as the lion that rendered chief Toki to be so formidable.]

¶60 Ògúnmọ́lá who had gone to intercept Ojé did not return home, but awaited the Balógun at Orita Elépo a small resting place about four miles from Ìbàdàn town, at the junction of the two roads leading from the Ọ̀yọ́ gate and Inalende gate of Ìbàdàn.

§ 3. WHEN GREEK MEETS GREEK

¶62 The Ìjàyès were not idle either, and did not wait at home with folded arms for the Ìbàdàns to come. The first battle took place at Apata Ika—the Ika rock just midway between the two towns—and the Are soon found, too late, and to his cost the truth of the message sent him that he should yield and accept a compromise and not haughtily compare the Ìbàdàns of the present day to those of yore. But he was truly a born warrior and never lost courage, notwithstanding that he had now to contend with a younger generation of Ìbàdàns who were quite inured to the hardships of the field and whose trade was war.

¶63 But the Are’s eyes were now open when too late "to yet another folly of his. In order that he might secure for himself a safe and despotic position, he had killed so many brave men of Ìjàyè and had forbidden any chief to accumulate ammunitions of war, that only three hard battles were fought before he found his magazines exhausted. The Ìjàyès now resorted to bows and arrows and consequently they lost ground rapidly. But for this probably the war would have ended in a draw as before.

¶64 The Ẹ̀gbás were now resolved to take part in this war. The majority were for assisting Ìjàyè. Sokenu alone was against their taking this course "after the oath of alliance and friendship taken with the Ìbàdàns," said he, "it will be a serious breach of faith, and even the gods will be against us."

¶65 This opposition, it was said, was the cause of his early death. The altercation was sharp, and the other chiefs in going said to him "We must not meet you alive on our return," and he retorted "Tf at all you return alive." Shortly after this Sokenu became paralysed (from poison it was said) and died.

¶66 The expedition was commanded by Anoba the Balógun of Ọba as generalissimo—all the other Balóguns including Somoye "Baṣọ̀run "the Balógun of Iporo had to serve under him. They halted for a long while at Atadi, 12 miles from home, undecided what course to take: then they proceeded to Olokemeji where, still of two opinions, they debated the matter afresh, whether to go to the help of the Ìbàdàns with whom they had formed an alliance or to the assistance of Ìjàyè. (Olokemeji is a central and neutral ground for the Ìjàyè, Ìbàdàn, and the Oke Ogun hunters). They finally decided to help the Ìjàyès, "to raise the siege, and drive away the Ìbàdàns and dispossess them of those kola groves originally planted by our fathers and grandfathers." This last idea swayed them. Thus it was subsequently reported at Ìbàdàn. But there is an Ẹ̀gbá version of the reason why they decided to ally themselves with the Ìjàyès. Some one alleged that Ògúnmọ́lá was reported to have said that after shaving the crown of the head he would shave the occiput! Meaning after taking Ìjàyè he would also take Abẹ́òkúta! But there is no proof whatever of this assertion, especially as there was no occasion for any such thing. And again Ògúnmọ́lá the author of the treaty of friendship and alliance was not the man to utter such a threat, which he certainly was not in a position to carry out, being a subordinate officer. And if he did say it, there would not have been such a prolonged hesitation amongst the Ẹ̀gbás, and such divided counsel as to what course they should pursue. The former version therefore, is far more probable.

¶67 Thus they proceeded from Olokemeji to Ìjàyè. But the venerable Chief Ogunbona, Balógun of Ikija did not proceed with them; he remained encamped at Olokemeji to be a protection and guard to caravans going and coming between that place and Ìjàyè.

¶68 The Ìjẹ̀bús also as kith and kin to a portion of the Ẹ̀gbás seemed to have entered into an agreement to be one with them for offensive and defensive purposes. Hence when the Ẹ̀gbás went to Ìjàyè against the Ìbàdàns, they also for no other reason entered into a state of warfare against Ìbàdàn.

¶69 Mele the Ìbàdàn state messenger to the Ìjẹ̀bús in the days of Olúyọ̀lé the late Baṣọ̀run was again sent with Kobiowu the

¶70 Jagun to conclude a treaty of friendship with the Ìjẹ̀bús before their attitude was known. But the Ìjẹ̀bús sent a body of troops which attacked them at Odo Ona even before they had left the Ìbàdàn farms, on their way to Ìjẹ̀bú! With shield and spear Mele bravely defended himself and retreated with his party home with only slight wounds.

¶71 The Emir of Ìlọrin also embraced this opportunity for declaring war against Ìbàdàn. The "Kafiris" (infidels) said he, "are at war with one another, and we should combine against this Ìbàdàn which has often baulked us of our prey; we may yet carry the Koran to the sea." He sent some horsemen to Ìjàyè, who when they observed the starvation and distress that ensued, could not remain long ; however, they kept kidnapping in the Ọ̀yọ́ farms.

¶72 The Ọwá of Ilẹ̀ṣà not only revolted against Ìbàdàn, but also took advantage of the coalition to take revenge upon Efon Ahaye and other towns which were allies of the Ìbàdàns during the late Ìjẹ̀bú Ere and Ara wars.

¶73 Thus practically all the principal states in Yorubaland were combined to crush the Ìbàdàns who had rid the country of the great bug-bear of the Fulani subjugation, but in turn became so restless as to be a source of anxiety to them all.

¶74 But a section of the Ìjẹ̀bús viz. Ìjẹ̀bú Remo with Kehéré the Balógun of Ipara at their head was friendly to the Ìbàdàns. They held that they were a commercial people, and Ìbàdàn not only their best, but also their only customer, and one time their deliverer in the time of Lakanle ; and they could not see their way to join in a war that did not concern them. The periodic 9 days’ market, therefore, was continued between them, and as we shall see hereafter the Ìbàdàns had to fight their way there and back, escorting caravans.

¶75 Meanwhile the struggle between the combatants was proceeding. The third and last battle fought before the arrival of the Ẹ̀gbás had exhausted the Are’s store of ammunition. The battle was fought in his own farm and was one of the bloodiest ever fought in this campaign. Nothing but the intrepid personal bravery of the Are saved him from being taken alive that day ; had he given ground an inch he would have irretrievably lost the day.

¶76 There were only two fierce battles fought afterwards that may be compared to this last ; on the last occasion the Are at the head of his choicest troops charged the Ìbàdàn centre with intrepidity and desperation, with a determination to break through, but the Ìbàdàns remained firm and impregnable. The circumstances will be related below.

¶77 The Ẹ̀gbás arrived at Ìjàyè in the nick of time to replenish the exhausted stores of the Ìjàyès. The Are who from experience knew the strength of the Ìbàdàns, forewarned them to be very cautious and not to encamp outside the walls of Ìjàyè. The Ẹ̀gbás fresh from home and buoyant in spirits spurned the idea of ‘* sheltering "themselves within the walls of the town ; however, they encamped without but close by the walls of Ìjàyè.

¶78 The camp of the Ìbàdàns was at this time at Olorisa Oko, about 3 hours’ walk from Ìjàyè. The Balógun of Ìbàdàn could not at first be made to believe that the Ẹ̀gbás came as allies to the Ìjàyès after the oaths they had taken with Ìbàdàn. To those who brought the report he said "Yes, they may have come but it must be to negotiate peace between us." Over and over again he was assured that they have come with a mighty army. "Yes," he replied, "it must be to put an end to the war." But at last, the Balógun was taken quite aback when a band of skirmishers returned and reported that they were driven back by the Ẹ̀gbás who came in overwhelming numbers against them. The Ìbàdàns were alarmed and dismayed at the report. In Kurumi," said they, "we have an equal match already, and how to face the combined force with the overwhelming host of the Ẹ̀gbás?"

¶79 But the principal chiefs encouraged one another and were determined to die rather than yield. "Death," said they "was preferable to the shame of a defeat, or the humiliation of being made a prisoner." "Here is his head is better than here is his face" said Ògúnmọ́lá. ‘ If we cannot resist them here, surely we shall not be able to do so at home if driven from this place." He then took out his jack knife and displaying it before all his colleagues he said "It must be victory or Death."

¶80 A council of war was held, and it was resolved that they should wait until the Ẹ̀gbás came and attacked them, and if they succeeded in repelling the attack then they would have hopes of being able to maintain their ground ; but if they went and offered battle first and were forced to retreat, it was certain the men would be disheartened and really demoralized, and there would be a poor chance for them—it would end for them in a total defeat. One Kujenyo a babalawo or Ifá priest was thereupon commissioned to make charms to provoke the Ẹ̀gbás to come forward to fight.

¶81 The Ẹ̀gbás on the other hand fresh from home were eager to offer battle, contrary to the advice of the Are of Ìjàyè. "Let them come first and attack you here," said the Are to the Ẹ̀gbás, "but never go after them." But the Ẹ̀gbás replied that when they left home they meant business and were not afraid of the Ìbàdàns. A period of about a fortnight elapsed in which there was inaction on both sides.

¶82 At length the day arrived and to the field the Ẹ̀gbás to the field the Ẹ̀gbás led their troops with flying colours. The Ìbàdàn outposts reported the advance of the Ẹ̀gbás in the order of battle. The Balógun of Ìbàdàn issued orders that no one should fire a gun until the word of command was given. The Ẹ̀gbás came within a few yards of the entrenchments and their fire wounded several persons within the Ìbàdàn camp before the command was given. The Balógun’s voice rang out "Omo Ìbàdàn, e gba e fi ti won" (Ìbàdàn boys, up and at them). Then the Ìbàdàns rushed out, and the struggle commenced.

¶83 At the first onslaught of the Ìbàdàns, the Ẹ̀gbás retreated about a hundred yards and made a stand, and then ensued a most desperate fight on both sides. To the Ìbàdàns it was a matter of life and death, and their one thought was whether they would be able to maintain their ground against the overwhelming odds of the Ẹ̀gbás, the Ìjàyès being now at a discount; but it was not long before they became confident that they could certainly maintain their ground.

¶84 Ògúnmọ́lá being a man of small stature was wont to be mounted on the tallest horse he could possibly obtain, and move from point to point in the field observing the men’s behaviour, and singling out individuals for praise or blame. On this occasion, having observed for a while the methods of the Ẹ̀gbás, he rode up joyfully to the Commander-in-Chief saying "Ibikunle, a o se won, a o se won, Ẹ̀gbá ko mo ogun jija" (Ibikunle, we shall win, we shall win. The Ẹ̀gbás have no knowledge of the art of war).

¶85 What Ògúnmọ́lá observed was as follows :—As the combatants on both sides came company by company to the firing line (what they call Tawusi), Ògúnmọ́lá noticed in the first place that the Ẹ̀gbá shooting was too high, and that the men under fire were rarely ever hit, whilst the Ìbàdàns had been taught to shoot low, and consequently they scored several hits among their foes. Again the Ẹ̀gbás discharged all their muskets at once and all turned back together before the relieving company came up; whereas the Ìbàdàns kept a reserved fire with which they accompanied the retiring foe, so that the retiring was more or less a disorderly retreat, and again they kept their place until their own relieving company came up, and more often gained a few yards forward before those of the Ẹ̀gbás came up, and thus gradually were gaining more and more ground. Ògúnmọ́lá noticing all this was sure that, according to their own method of fighting, when later on, the Balógun arose to fight, and all men and all arms must push forward in a general engagement, this disorderly retreat of the Ẹ̀gbás would be converted to a general rout. Hence he was confident in assuring the Balógun that they would win.

¶86 But long before it was time for that, another officer, viz. Abayomi the Ajiya Bále planned out tactics of his own. As all the Bále’s fighting men were disposed as strategy requires he seemed to know that the Ẹ̀gbás left their flank unguarded ; he left the main body of his men at their post, and chose out a number of brave fellows to cut through the bush a great way off and suddenly burst upon the Ẹ̀gbás at the rear with a shout, and away fled the whole host panic stricken, and the rout was complete. There was a morass a little way off called Alabata which many of them were driven into, and were either slaughtered or taken alive. Some never halted but fled from the battlefield into the camp and from the camp into the town of Ìjàyè, others at full speed homewards the Ìbàdàn boys pursuing.

¶87 Ìjàyè would have been taken that day but for the Are. Watching the movements of the Ẹ̀gbás, he noticed their lack of skill in their manceuvring and fighting, and anticipating a disaster he held his men in readiness for eventualities. As soon as the Ẹ̀gbás gave way and the Ìbàdàns were in pursuit, he made a flank movement and intercepted the Ìbàdàns ; and these, seeing there were no chiefs behind them to back them up, hastily retired from the pursuit. The chiefs did not give chase for fear of what the Are might do, but they kept an eye on him; for he might take them in the rear and convert their victory into a defeat.

¶88 From that day the Ìbàdàns were confident of ultimate success and the Ìjàyè chiefs despaired of driving back the enemy. The Ẹ̀gbás were much enraged and ashamed of this defeat which they attributed to the cowardice of their Generalissimo Anoba, and for this they ordered him to "go to sleep" (a euphemism for suicide). They said that instead of coming up to their assistance with the reserved forces, he himself gave way also!

¶89 The Ìbàdàn boys ascribed this victory to Ajiya Abayomi in their songs and dances :—

¶90 "Ajiya nikan l’o le’gun, "Twas Ajiya singly routed the foe, Iwi l’a ko gbodo wi." But we must not say ’tis so.)

¶91 A very large number of captives fell into the hands of Ògúnmọ́lá, and as the author of the treaty, which was so perfidiously broken he took vengeance on many of them, by ordering their faces to be branded with broad Tapa marks, and exultingly took a name on it "Emi a so Ẹ̀gbá di Tapa’ (the transformer of Ẹ̀gbás into Tapas). He, moreover, ordered yam peels to be rubbed on the marks in order that the irritant may cause thick scars on them.

¶92 In order to show what contempt the Ìbàdàns now had for the Ẹ̀gbás as fighters, they sang while they danced :—

¶93 "Kanakana Ajibade Ohan, ohan ni ndun. A ri Ẹ̀gbá lokankan a se bi ogun ni, Ija suke suke ni ija Ẹ̀gbá, Ija lile lile n’ija Ọ̀yọ́." (The crows of Ajibade Ohan ohan they cry. Ẹ̀gbás at a distance appear like men, Nerveless and feeble Ẹ̀gbás are in fight, Strenuous and brave Ọ̀yọ́s are in fight.)

¶94 Emboldened by this success, the Ìbàdàns removed their camp further to a place called Ajibade (where the Ẹ̀gbás were defeated) and. the battle ground was now at Alabata (where they were driven to) about two hours’ walk from Ìjàyè.

¶95 Several hard battles were fought before they could establish themselves here, but at every fight the Ìbàdàns gained ground, and so they again removed their camp from Ajibade to Alabata, and the battle ground was now at the River Ose not far from the walls of Ìjàyè.

¶96 By this time the ammunition of the Ìbàdàns was exhausted, and but for Kehéré the Balógun of Ipara the expedition would have ended in failure if not disaster to the Ìbàdàns. Kehéré was faithful to them to the end.

¶97 The unfriendly Ìjẹ̀bús of Ode and Igbo were daily raiding the Ìbàdàn farms. Flying columns had to be organized to protect the farmers and chase away the Ìjẹ̀bús. They also kidnapped from the caravans to Ìjẹ̀bú Remo (viz. Ipara, Iperu, Ode, Ikorodu) ; the Ìbàdàns were obliged to send escorts from the camp from time to time to protect these traders to Ipara and back. The Ìjẹ̀bús more than once made a regular encampment and erected forts to block the way after the caravans had passed on to Ipara, the intention being to prevent their return; but the Ìbàdàns always succeeded in routing them, pulling down the forts, and returning home safe with the caravans. In one of these defeats, one Kongo a well-known Ìjẹ̀bú, who was formerly a trader and a resident at Ìbàdàn was caught with several others; but Chief Ògúnmọ́lá lost two of his most valiant men in this fight, Kukula and Erin. He showed his resentment by ordering Kongo to be killed on Kukula’s grave, and the rest of the Ìjẹ̀bú captives they led to the camp at the river Ose, exhibited them to the Ẹ̀gbás and Ìjàyès, and then killed them under their eyes, to show that they had been victorious over their allies as well.

¶98 But there was a memorable battle of this kind fought at the river Omi in the Ìjẹ̀bú Remo road which was terrible. The Ìjẹ̀bús exasperated by the former defeats were determined to deal a crushing blow to the Ìbàdàns the next time. For some weeks the caravans could not proceed, the road had become more unsafe than ever ; all who came from the provinces assembled at Ìbàdàn. Then the chiefs sent powerful escorts from the camp under chiefs Abayomi, Tubosun, and Madarikan. The name of Abayomi raised the hopes of the caravans, and an extra large number of them flocked together to take advantage of this opportunity.

¶99 After the caravans and escorts had passed on to Remg, a large Ìjẹ̀bú army was sent to prevent their return. They erected strong stockades right across the path in three places, and placed bodies of troops behind each, the main army and the encampment being behind the strongest stockade towards Ìbàdàn, and there awaited the return of the caravan. Madarikan the leader of the van first came at them and fighting ensued; the first stockade was won and they came up to the second. Madarikan was wounded in half-a-dozen places and driven back towards Remg, bleeding all over and was hors de combat. When Ajiya Abayomi came up, he dashed upon the Ìjẹ̀bús with great intrepidity and won the second stockade ; he then repelled the enemy until they came to the third and strongest stockade with the encampment behind it of the main Ìjẹ̀bú army. At the sight of the Ìbàdàns, the Ìjẹ̀bús raised a great shout of triumph and tauntingly asked "By what way will you get home now? You had better try flying." From behind the stockade they wrought havoc among the Ìbàdàns with impunity, being protected from the bullets of the latter by the stockade.

¶100 Chief Abayomi thereupon called some of his most trusty servants, and posted them with their men on the highway with orders not to yield an inch if all had to perish there. He then chose a band of trusty veterans, cut a path through the forest and attacked the Ìjẹ̀bús in the rear. When the Ìjẹ̀bús driven to bay, saw the foe before and behind, they were furious and dashed upon the Ìbàdàns with great intrepidity. At the first onslaught, Abayomi the Ìbàdàn leader was shot off his horse, and when his veterans saw their master fall and their own fire languishing, they became exasperated, and with drawn swords they rushed upon the Ìjẹ̀bús with great fury and madness, broke through their ranks and put to the sword those that could not escape. They immediately pulled down the stockade and rejoined those of their comrades who had been posted in the highway and had come up. They pursued the Ìjẹ̀bús a little way and rescued as many as they could of the women and others of the caravans whom the Ìjẹ̀bús had captured before the main body of escorts came up. Thus the Ìbàdàns eventually won; the victory though dearly bought was complete. Abayomi, however, rallied, and was able to lead the people home. When reports of this victory reached the camp and the cost at which it was achieved the Balógun and other senior chiefs immediately sent congratulations to Abayomi, Madarikan and others, and allowed them to remain at home until their wounds were healed before rejoining their comrades in the camp before Ìjàyè.

¶101 From this and previous achievements Abayomi (through his bards) added to his other names "Death to traitors," "Terror to the Ìjẹ̀bús," "Maker of safe paths through tangled forests."

¶102 There were further skirmishes on this road while the Ìjàyè war lasted, but none to be compared to the above two remarkable ones.

¶103 Meantime the war before Ìjàyè continued with undiminished vigour the invaders being now replenished with ammunition.

¶104 The Ìjàyè watchman was posted on the top of a tall tree near the River Ose, from whence he could command the view for several miles around, and announce the approach of the enemy.

¶105 For a long time the River Ose was the scene of action : whichever party arrived first at the stream gained the opposite bank and held it until repulsed. In course of time the Ìbàdàns gained the river permanently, and the action thenceforth was on the Ìjàyè side of it.

¶106 At this time all the farms being in the hands of the Ìbàdàns, the distress, starvation and consequent mortality at Ìjàyè were indescribable. Hundreds, nay thousands died in the streets from starvation, whole families perished without anyone to bury them. All the livestock had been consumed, the garden, the streets, and the yards were all planted with corn, but the cornstalks were devoured when they could not wait for the corn to develop. The herb Gboro a common creeper in the streets was planted in every available place and used for food.

¶107 It was generally said then that the advent of the Ẹ̀gbás replenished their magazines but exhausted their granaries. Now the Ẹ̀gbás procured food for themselves from home, but instead of succouring their allies, they took advantage of their distress to benefit themselves. A child who wandered longingly to an Ẹ̀gbá tent and obtained a meal of beans (awuje) thereby became his slave! The Ẹ̀gbá man who could procure several loads of Awuje beans from home, covered all his expenses by securing so many Tjaye children as slaves for feeding them! All these were sent home to Abẹ́òkúta.

¶108 But the good offices of the missionaries of the C.M.S. and American Baptists at Ìjàyè at this time were never to be forgotten. Sympathizing friends at home and abroad sent them supplies, and they received and maintained as many Ìjàyè children as they could. The parents also received some assistance and were glad and thankful to see their children provided for. The names of the Rev. Adolphus Mann, C.M.S. and Mr. J. T. Bowen, American Baptist, can never be forgotten by any Ìjàyè born.

¶109 Mr. Mann’s skill in surgery also was in requisition; he was of immense service in extracting bullets and binding up wounds. Thus in ministering to the wants of famished children, sheltering orphans and performing surgical operations he had his hands quite full.

¶110 The Ìjàyè people had also to oppose a war behind them from Ọ̀yọ́. A small force under Amodu was sent to Iran, as he alone was quite enough to oppose the Ọ̀yọ́ army which encamped at Ilora whence they issued for the fight.

¶111 The ALÁÀFIN whose battle Ìbàdàn was fighting had to supply both the Ìbàdàn and Ilora camps with gunpowder and bullets and for the latter purpose the services of all Ọ̀yọ́ smiths were in requisition.

¶112 The ALÁÀFIN also invited the Baribas, but their cavalry on which they solely depended were of little use in forest lands; the Ìjàyès at Iran concealing themselves in the thickets surrounding the town had the advantage of them. Although Iran was a small village yet the men were able to repulse the attacks of the Ọ̀yọ́s and Baribas.

¶113 But if they could not capture Iran these Baribas were a source of great annoyance to the Ìjàyès by kidnapping in their farms and thereby increasing the amount of distress and starvation in the town. This gave rise to the pathetic wail:

¶114 "Ìbàdàn mu, Fiditi mu

¶115 Ojojumo ni ara Ago nmu ni l’oko

¶116 Ojojumo ni ara Ago nyan mumusin lehin odi

¶117 Oran yi jo bi ala l’oju mi." Ìbàdàn kidnaps, Fiditi kidnaps, Daily the men of Ago kidnap in our farms, Daily the men of Ago capture for service behind our walls, This matter to me is like a dream!"

§ 4. FAMINE AND THE SWORD

¶119 As we have already noticed, most of the Oke Ogun towns were under the rule of the Are of Ìjàyè; at this crisis they became the source of food supply to Ìjàyè, and both men and women frequented these regions for procuring provisions.

¶120 By this time the people of Ìjàyè had recovered from the first shock and horror of a siege, and as the town could not be carried by assault, and was now fairly supplied with food from, the Oke Ogun regions, and with ammunition from Abẹ́òkúta, the hopes of taking the town soon became very small.

¶121 The Ìbàdàns now tried to cut off their supplies by sending a small army to Oke Ogun. Ìṣẹ́yìn was friendly to Ìjàyè and Ìbàdàn, and both were admitted within her walls. A man called Ojelabi went to Ìṣẹ́yìn and began to seize people’s things in the market for "privilege’ as an Ìbàdàn man; Majaro the Aseyin ordered him out of the town, but he not only refused to go but was also setting houses on fire with a lighted torch. He was ultimately driven out under a shower of stones. The Ìbàdàns hearing that Ojelabi was driven out and not knowing the cause, sent one Rogun to ask whether it was their intention to rebel, or why had they expelled Ojelabi. But as Rogun and his party were likewise pillaging the town they did not fare any better but were driven out by force of arms. Before this happened however, the Ìṣẹ́yìn people showed evident signs of impatience at the language and actions of these men, and sounded in their songs a note of an impending civil fight :—

¶122 Ìbàdàn ti o ko ti ko lo Awowo a wo o"

¶123 (The Ìbàdàn who sticks and won’t go. A great crash will crush him.)

¶124 The Ìbàdàn boys on their part took up the challenge and retorted with "A f'adamo da 'mo lekun Awowo. (The shot gun will shut up all crashes and crushings.)

¶125 The civil fight soon set in, and Rogun held out till the evening before he was finally expelled the town.

¶126 Iwawun, Erin, and Awayé were for Ìjàyè, but Berekodo and other Ibarapa districts were for Ìbàdàn. One Akawo was sent from the camp to ask the Iwawun people why they were supplying food to Ìjàyè, the answer returned not being satisfactory the result was a little war here also. The Are hearing this sent Amodu, Arawole, Adelakin, Abese and Labudanu to reinforce Iwawun. When Akawo found them too strong for him, he sent to the camp for re-inforcement, and Latosisa and other petty war-chiefs were sent to his help. Still they found the power of the Ìjàyès too much for them to withstand, so much so that instead of besieging Iwawun, they were on the defensive, being practically besieged in their camps.

¶127 Iwawun and Erin were advantageously situated for defensive purposes, being built on a high hill and surrounded by a mass of huge craggy rocks; the town wall was built at the foot of the hill.

¶128 The Ìbàdàn chiefs knowing that as long as Ìjàyè could draw supplies from these places the town could not be taken, Ògúnmọ́lá was resolved to go himself and deal a decisive blow to their power here. The Balógun alone with his men and some minor chiefs being left in charge of the camp, Ògúnmọ́lá his Ọ̀tún and Osundina the Òsì headed the rest of the war-chiefs to Oke Ogun.

¶129 Passing by the Ìjàyè farms to Fiditi, they reached the Ọ̀yọ́ camp at Ilora. The ALÁÀFIN sent one of the eunuchs to welcome them and take them presents of bullocks, sheep, goats, fowls, etc. Ògúnmọ́lá respectfully declined to accept them now: he sent to tell the King that he would receive them after his return from taking Iwawun within nine days.

¶130 Ògúnmọ́lá spoke that day as an oracle. He ordered Àjàyí Ogboriefon the captain of the Ìbàdàn contingent there to march on before him and receive a shot in that well-fed stomach of his.

¶131 "You are leading an easy life here with our King under pretence of fighting against this little place," he said to him.

¶132 On reaching Ìṣẹ́yìn Ògúnmọ́lá went to pay his compliments to the Aseyin, and prostrated before him in salutation. The Aseyin forgetful of himself received him as a subject, but he had to pay dearly for it some years afterwards when Ògúnmọ́lá became a Baṣọ̀run of Ìbàdàn, and consequently his official superior. The army passed on to Iwawun; rumours of a large reinforcement to the Ìbàdàn force there reached the ears of the Ìjàyès at Iwawun, and some of those among them suggested that they should withdraw entirely before the break of day, but Arawole and Amodu said "Should we not see what is driving us before we run away? Or what shall we say to the Are at home?" Up to this time they had no positive knowledge as to who the leader of the expedition was.

¶133 Early next morning the Ìbàdàns took a hasty breakfast, and soon after they filed out for the attack on Iwawun instead of waiting for an attack as usual. Those of the Ìjàyès who had suspected an access of reinforcement were now positive, for otherwise the small Ìbàdàn force could not have been so bold this morning. In order to keep the expedition as secret as possible, apart from his rapid movements, Ògúnmọ́lá forbade his drummer to beat and those of the other chiefs likewise, lest his arrival be known to the enemy ; but when the hour for battle was come, he ordered all the drummers including those of the other chiefs to strike up his own battle cry. Consequently the Ìjàyès were all dismayed and panic stricken when they heard :—

¶134 "A f’oké, afi ’gbo (But the hills, but the woods, Ko s’eni ti o le duro." There’s no one to withstand me.)

¶135 Now they were forced to credit the report that Ògúnmọ́lá himself was the leader of the expedition. It was thought most improbable that in the face of the Ìjàyè and Ẹ̀gbá armies Ògúnmọ́lá and staff with the other war-chiefs would venture to leave the camp.

¶136 But the Ìjàyès were men in the true sense of the word ; after the first shock of this discovery, they steeled their hearts and threw themselves on their assailants with great intrepidity but the odds were greatly against them. It is reported that the chief of Awaye was bribed or terrorized into disclosing a secret path by which an enemy might enter Iwawun, but this is very doubtful, because Awaye herself had to share the fate of Iwawun afterwards. Whatever it may be, Iwawun was taken by assault, and within an hour the town was in flames! The Ìjàyè heroes had an opportunity of escape but did not avail themselves of it. Amodu fought and died a hero’s death. He had borne a distinguished part all through this war, and in him Ìjàyè sustained an irreparable loss.

¶137 Five of the Are’s sons were caught and slain, including Arawole his eldest surviving son. The death of Arawole sent a thrill of horror and grief throughout the camp and town of Ìbàdàn. Many were the ill-suppressed murmurs against Ògúnmọ́lá for this heartless murder, for, although Kurumi was now a foe, he was still a name and a venerable figure in the history of Yoruba, a contemporary of the fathers of these Ìbàdàn chiefs and the last surviving link between their past in the old homes desolated by the Fulanis, and "these forest lands to which they have escaped. Now he was old and on the verge of the grave, to extinguish his light in his eldest son was an event no reflecting patriot could calmly contemplate. Ibikunle the Balógun was said to have shed a tear when he heard it, and none but that heartless diplomat Ògúnmọ́lá could have killed Arawole thus. Of the Ìjàyè chiefs, the Abese, Labudanu and Adejumo alone escaped to tell the tale. About ten others perished there.

¶138 Erin also was taken very easily the same day, and numbers of the Ìjàyè caravans who went there to buy provisions fell into their hands but a great many escaped into the bush.

¶139 On the return march of the Ìbàdàns Ògúnmọ́lá had recourse to a ruse by which he entrapped hundreds of those who had escaped into the bush. Instead of his own battle cry, he ordered the drummers to strike up that of the Are of Ìjàyè, and when those who had escaped into the bush heard :—

¶140 "Ija Orogun koro, Orogun." (Bitter is the quarrel of rivals, the rivals.)

¶141 they naturally thought their master had come to their help against Ògúnmọ́lá, and as they issued one by one from their hiding places to flock to his standard, they fell an easy prey into the hands of the Ìbàdàns.1

¶142 On the 9th day of his leaving the Ilora camp, he arrived there again as he promised todo; and singularly Àjàyí Ogboriefon was also wounded in his "well-fed "stomach, even as Ògúnmọ́lá said.

¶143 But during the absence of Ògúnmọ́lá and the flower of the Ìbàdàn army at Iwawun, brave deeds were done behind the walls of Ìjàyè. It was now or never with the allies, and the Are was determined to take the Ìbàdàn camp before their return. Had Ibikunle not been a particularly brave and experienced general, he could never have withstood the force of the impact made upon him.

¶144 Appraising the Ẹ̀gbás at their true valuation, notwithstanding numbers, the Balógun opposed to them his Areagoro Aijenku but himself withstood the more vigorous attack of the Ìjàyès.

¶145 It was on this occasion that the Are at the head of a choice body of veterans made a dash on the Ìbàdàn centre with a determination to break through ; but he might as well have hurled himself upon an immovable rock! Again and again he tried and failed, and not only so, but the young woman, a devotee, who carried before him into battle his covered calabash of charms for safety and success, was severely wounded and had to be carried away. An eye-witness who stood by him all through and who related the events to the writer, said seeing his non-success, all disconsolate and despairing he sat under fire in the midst of the battle saying "How can I go back, how can I? I cannot, I cannot." His attendants and bodyguard had literally to carry him to the rear. The old general seemed to have forgotten that he was no longer young, and that for deeds of might and strength, age must give place to youth. Aijenku acquitted himself against the Ẹ̀gbás so well, that he had no need to ask for reinforcement from his chief. There can be

¶146 no doubt that the Balógun gained in prestige enormously by this action and fully justified the eulogies of his bard

¶147 "Odunbudere Okunrin A to fi ise ogun ran." (Odunbudere (an untranslatable word) a mighty man, Fit to be entrusted with the onus of war:)

¶148 On the return of the Ìbàdàn expedition after the usual welcome the Balógun was said to have expressed himself bitterly to Ògúnmọ́lá on the slaughter of the Are’s sons especially that of Arawole. "Arawole," said he "is our own companion, and the Are, a contemporary of our fathers, how long further has he to live, and who is to uphold his house? "Ògúnmọ́lá was said to have justified his acts by saying "If we want the war to be over soon, sentiment must give way to something practical, a crushing blow was needed at Iwawun, and that is what I have dealt."

¶149 The cutting off of provisions by the destruction of the Oke Ogun towns gave a death blow to Ìjàyè. The Are on hearing the sad news was crushed entirely by it. It was as if he had received his death warrant; he saw clearly that all hopes for Ìjàyè were now gone, and with a dejected spirit he was often seen in his house wandering about abstractedly and muttering to himself "Nje emi ni mo jebi oran yi? "(am I then in the wrong in this matter?) He had hitherto been confident of success from the supposed justice of his cause, but now he was_ sadly disillusioned. ;

¶150 From this time the old general began to languish, and no more great deeds were recorded of him. He died of a broken heart in the month of June, 1861.

¶151 Thus passed away one of the most venerable and _ historic figures in Yoruba history.

¶152 Prior to his death occurred that of another notable figure, a friend, colleague, and brother in arms. The Olu-Ode or chief of the hunters of ancient Ikoyi with Kurumi were among the bravest defenders of the oldcountry. After the Fulani destruction of their homes he retired hither with Kurumi and lived the rest of his life at Ìjàyè. During this war he wrought havoc amongst the Ìbàdàns with his cross bow and arrows. He was never known to miss his aim. In one of their skirmishes he was caught by the Ìbàdàns. When brought into the camp it was said that the Balógun met and saluted him, prostrating before him as to his own father, and there and then gave him his liberty on parole. This was against the wish of Ògúnmọ́lá who would have him killed at once, but the Balógun overruled it.

¶153 Another chief, a cavalry officer was also caught, one who had successfully crossed spears with the Fulanis in olden days. He, too, was set free on parole, and he wisely retired to Ìbàdàn where he spent the rest of his days.

¶154 But the Olu-ode broke his parole, he was caught again trying to escape back to Ìjàyè. This time even the Balógun could not save him, much as he would like to do so; the other war-chiefs threatened to mutiny if the Olu-ode was again spared, and the Balógun was obliged to give way. "Why are you going back to a doomed city? "he asked of the old chief. His reply was direct and simple: "My children are there." "Alas sire, you die, but for a cause not unworthy, you are laying down your life on account of your children." Thus did the Balógun address him before he was led away to execution by Ògúnmọ́lá’s swordbearers.

¶155 After Kurumi’s death, Abogunrin his head slave had the honour of burying him. This was done in secret, and the two slaves who dug the grave were slain also to accompany their master so that the spot might not be disclosed ; but the place was found out afterwards, and the skull taken over to the ALÁÀFIN as the custom was, for all who bore the title of Are-ona-Kakanfò.

¶156 The government of the town, and the conduct of the war now devolved upon Abogunrin the Are’s head slave, who had been placed in power even before his master’s death. His treasures and all his ammunition being under the charge of Abogunrin, implicit obedience was rendered to him by all, in all matters both civil and military.

¶157 The only road left to the Ìjàyès by which they could obtain provisions and ammunition was the Abẹ́òkúta road, and on this the Ìbàdàns began now to kidnap regularly. The caravans had to be under military escort, and the Ẹ̀gbá outpost at Olokemeji was an immense service to them at this time.

¶158 The old chief Ogunbona the Balógun of Ikija who was stationed there died of illness, but a small force was still kept there to assist the caravans half way; the danger lay between Ìjàyè and Olokemeji, beyond this it was safe. One Oje was a notable escort, but he was caught in the Ìjàyè farms, and publicly executed.

¶159 Early in 1862 the Ìbàdàns removed their camp once more from Alabata, and crossing the river Ose they pitched their tents in the battlefield ; three fierce battles were fought to prevent this but as the Ìbàdàns were able to maintain their ground, the fate of Ìjàyè was sealed.

¶160 Leaving the Balógun to face the Ìjàyès, Ògúnmọ́lá now went to the Abẹ́òkúta road and besieged the Ẹ̀gbás in their camp. The Ìjàyès thereupon left the town and encamped in the field opposite the Ìbàdàn camp. The fighting now was both obstinate and frequent, for besides fighting in the day, a special band of skirmishers was organized to keep it up all night.

¶161 On the 15th of March, 1862, Lieut. Dolbein, of H.M.S. Prometheus, accompanied by Mr. Edward Roper, a European missionary of the C.M.S. came up to Ìjàyè to the relief of Mr. and Mrs. Mann.

¶162 A battle was fought on the 16th which he witnessed, and he was said to have expressed his opinion that the Ìbàdàns were superior warriors judging from the manoeuvrings on both sides, and that the town was sure to be taken. But Mr. Mann was unwilling to leave his post, the state of Mrs. Mann’s health, however, rendered it imperative that he should take her down to the coast and he promised to return soon to his post. Mr. Edward Roper volunteered to hold the station until his return.

¶163 The Rev. A. and Mrs. Mann with Lieut. Dolbein left Ìjàyè early on the 17th March, 1862, and as soon as it was known that the white man had left the town, it was regarded as an evil omen for that town. The Ẹ̀gbás said that the white man’s God had shown them that evil was coming, and would not themselves wait for it either. Before night fall, there was a rush, fugitives overtook them even in the course of the day, and they had to redouble their speed both to avoid the crush of fugitives and also to escape the expected pursuers. Fortunately the Ìbàdàns did not know in time that the town had been deserted or they might have met them by the way ; still some of the stragglers were met later on when pursuit was made.

¶164 Thus fell Ìjàyè, a town of ease and plenty, a town compact, and full of brave men, an industrious town, but too despotically governed, a town in which the citizens were marked by restlessness and daring.

¶165 Ìjàyè and Ìbàdàn being sister towns and the people one, many wise heads in the former place made captives (as it were) of their wives and children, putting halters round the necks of their own brothers and led them to Ìbàdàn to the house of their relatives without being detected. Once there, they were free. But knowing each other so well, some were detected and captured. Some lost their bearings and missed their way in the town and were captured, some fell into the hands of acquaintances and were rescued. The Ìjàyè warriors in the camp with their chiefs escaped with the Ẹ̀gbás to Abẹ́òkúta, Abogunrin at their head.

¶166 The Ẹ̀gbás assigned them a portion of land where they pitched their tents, and there they subsequently built their houses. The spot is known as Ago Ìjàyè to this day.

¶167 When the Rev. D. Hinderer of Ìbàdàn heard of the capture of Mr. Edward Roper, he sent to negotiate for his release from Ògúnmọ́lá in whose possession he was, but this hard-hearted soldier refused to give him up unless he was released for 200 bags of cowries (equivalent then to £200) 200 kegs of powder and 200 guns. Mr. Hinderer then went in person and remonstrated with Ògúnmọ́lá. The latter grew more stern, refusing to abate any one of his terms, rather than that he would keep him, and if he was incapable of performing any material service for him, still he should be able to tend his poultry yard in his farm. "We have learnt that white men live on eggs and milk I will feed this one with parched corn." And he added "We know that this is not the actual white man of Ìjàyè, whom we often saw in the battlefield: this one only entered the town a few days ago, hence you have such easy terms, otherwise we should have killed him right out, for he fought us, and we had our eyes on him." Mr. Mann we know did not fight, but relieved the wounded men; however, there were two "Afro-American "sharp-shooters,? who harassed the Ìbàdàns a good deal with their rifles.

¶168 Mr. Hinderer then asked for the interference of the Balógun, of Aijenku and of Ajiya Abayomi ; they all interceded but in vain, he remained obdurate. Mr. Hinderer then sent two of his agents to the ALÁÀFIN of Ọ̀yọ́ to appeal to His Majesty for his interference.

¶169 The King then sent the following message to Ògúnmọ́lá :— "What your Balógun Ibikunle, and your colleagues Aijenku and Abayomi failed to obtain from you, I know you have reserved the honour for me, and now I ask you to give up the white man freely and without any charges." In obedience to the King Ògúnmọ́lá gave Mr. Roper up to his friends, the latter being too glad to be once more among his countrymen.

¶170 Besides the Rev. Mr. and Mrs. Hinderer, Mr. Roper met also at Ìbàdàn, Mr. George Jeffries a friend and college mate of his, and both of them resided together.

¶171 A few months after Mr. Roper’s arrival at Ìbàdàn, his friend Jeffries was laid up from diarrhœa. Roper’s presence here at this time cannot but be regarded otherwise than as providential, to comfort and cheer up his friend’s dying hours. Jeffries passed quietly away and Roper undertook the charge of his station at Ogunpa, Ìbàdàn. He remained there till he was able to return to England in 1865.

¶172 The good offices of His Majesty the ALÁÀFIN to the missionaries claim our special notice. This was the second of the kind during this war. Mr. Samuel Cole, a native schoolmaster, was once

¶173 kidnapped between Ìjàyè and Ìṣẹ́yìn in the early part of the conflict, (1860). Mr. Hinderer hearing this sent Mr. (now Rev.) D. Olubi to the ALÁÀFIN, who kindly ordered his release and sent him to Ìbàdàn. Mr. Cole returned to Abẹ́òkúta by the Remo road.

¶174 The Ìjàyè war was one of the bloodiest fought by the Ìbàdàns, as may be expected "When Greek meets Greek." But the only chief of note that fell was Osundina the Òsì (father of the wellknown Ìbàdàn chief Apampa). He was shot in the knee, but he kept his post till the battle was over that day. He died a few days after. How many thousands upon thousands of common soldiers died on both sides it is impossible to say, but a faint idea could be had from the only authentic account kept.

¶175 At the commencement of the war Ògúnmọ́lá ordered that a correct account of his soldier slaves who fell in battle should be kept. For that purpose a huge basket 5 or 6ft. high was kept and the cap of every slave of his who fell in battle was thrown into it. When Ìjàyè was taken Ògúnmọ́lá counted the caps, they amounted to 1800, representing the soldier slaves of his who fell between April 10, 1860, and March 17, 1862, exclusive of freeborn soldiers ; and that was for only one single chief; what then of the whole Ìbàdàn army and those of the provinces ; what of the Ìjàyès, the Ẹ̀gbás, the Ọ̀yọ́s, and the Oke Ogun peoples, and Ìjẹ̀bús engaged in this war!

¶176 It shows the redoubtable courage of the assailants and the obstinate resistance of the defenders. It justifies Ibikunle’s reluctance to declare war upon their kith and kin. But those who knew Ìjàyè best, and were acquainted with the details of the enormities being committed there in the years before the war, were satisfied that their judgment was from above; the cup of their iniquities was full and not only the besiegers but also their very allies helped to bring about theirruin. This was evident from the significant song commonly sung in their dancesin those days:—

¶177 "Onigbeja li o fo ’gun, Iwi 1’a ko gbodo wi." ("Twas our allies caused our rout, But we must not say ’tis so.)

¶178 The Ẹ̀gbás have always been ashamed of this defeat which did not admit of being explained away, but many regarded it as a just punishment for their perfidy. And singularly, scarcely any of the principal chiefs concerned survived the war, thus recalling Sokenu’s retort on them. MHenceforth Ọ̀yọ́s never have "any fear in meeting any Ẹ̀gbás in the field, whatever the odds.

¶179 Ìjàyè was taken, but the war was not over, the bad blood left behind rankled for the next three years.