Chapter 18. A Glorious End And The Gory Dawn Of Two Reigns—The Ijaye War

§ zr. DEATH OF KING ATIBA.

¶2 ATIBA the ALAFIN of Oyo lived to a good old age. Of few Kings do we know so much as we do of him ; he was a link with the past, and lived within the days of authentic history. He was the father of several princes and princesses whose names are the following :—

¶3 Princes. Princesses.

¶4 Adelu (The Crown Prince) Boje Adeweni Adelabu Adeleye Atowuro Ogboja III.. Adesiyen Adesetan II. Adedoja Ade Oyé Adeyemi Adedotun Durokilu Adeyimka Adediran Afonja Ogboja I. Ogboja IV. Adejumo Agbonrin Ogboja IT. Siyé Olawoyin Tela Okiti papa Akere I. Ogboja V. Tela Agboju Ogo Akere IT. Popoola

¶5 Vogun &(Adeduntan Lapemog Ala Momodu E 1 aa Ogboja VI. Adewusi Adesokan Akere ITI. Adetola

¶6 Adesetan I. Adejojo

¶7 Of these the 1st and the 4th succeeded to the throne.

¶8 A few remarks on some of the princes :—

¶9 Adelu was much older than his brothers or sisters, for he was born when his father was quite a young man, long before he entered into his career of a war-like prince. He was much beloved by his father because he was a very dutiful son and shared with him most of the dangers and privations of war in those turbulent days of his early career. By virtue of his birthright he became the AREMoO when his father ascended the throne.

¶10 Ogo was the Aremgo Oyé 1.e., the first born after the father’s accession.

¶11 Adewust was Adelu’s brother, of the same mother, and was of a contrary disposition. He was wild, undutiful and cruel. Fe once quarrelled with his father, and with a cutlass cut off all the mattings that enclosed the Aganju (throne room). He quarrelled with his half brother Ald by seizing from him a plot of land the latter had obtained for farming, containing many

¶12 palm and kola trees. Adewusi went and secured the same spot for himself by affixing thereon a symbol of the Egitigun curse on any trespasser. When Ala went to remonstrate with him, he stabbed him to death with a knife! The father thereupon sentenced him to be executed by strangling !

¶13 Ald was of the same mother with Adelabu.

¶14 Adeyemi who subsequently succeeded his brother on the throne was of the same mother as Olawoyin. He enjoyed the longest reign of modern times ; more of him hereafter.

¶15 Agbonrin, nick-named Allah ni yio bo Asiri (God will hide secrets) was also a prince of a most cruel disposition. His favourite (?) wife was once preparing his Okra leaf sauce with strained ash, which was a milder form of the carbonate of potash used in such cases. He thereupon compelled her to drink a calabashful of caustic potash, and she died soon after from inflammation of the stomach and bowels. He once caught a young man in his farm cutting palm nuts. Upon his begging him to spare his life Agbonrin said he would do so if the young man could climb up again and replace the nuts; this being impossible he clubbed him to death !

¶16 The conduct of many of these princes brought great discredit on.royalty. Very few of the crimes they committed ever reached the ears of their father for who would undertake to report them. Hence the licence they allowed themselves without the father’s knowledge for he never spared them.

¶17 King ATIBA was now old and full of years. Early in the year 1858 he was resolved on celebrating the Bebe (the Bebe is akin to the Royal Jubilee, and only Kings who have had a long and peaceful reign celebrate it). Yorubaland is now free from the incursions of foreign foes, the Fulanis of Ilorin permanently checked. All now was peace ; the people were content and prosperous, and therefore the King thought a Bebe should be celebrated. But inasmuch as the few Kings who celebrated it died soon after doing so, that festival came to to be regarded as celebrating one’s funeral rites, hence Bebe is sometimes termed the ‘“‘ Iku ”’ (death).

¶18 The Are of Ijaye and others who were attached to him strongly advised him not to doit, as it might portend his death. His Majesty replied ‘‘ Well, I am old enough and do not care to live much longer.”

¶19 Notification of this was sent round everywhere and delegates came from every part of the Yoruba country to observe this festival with the King. From Saki alone came about 200 Egiiguns, and so from all other Oke Ogun towns for the ceremonies.

¶20 Booths were erected all over the palace street from the Abata

¶21 (frontage of the palace) to the Akesan market for the visitors. The Oyo noblemen also lived in tents, in front of their houses, until the ceremonies were over.

¶22 The ceremonies partook of the character partly of the coronation and partly of the funeral rites, the principal part of it being done privately, at dead of night.

¶23 On the eve of the Bebe the King paid a visit to the Bara to perform certain ceremonies there as a thank-offering sacrifice to his fathers. We have mentioned in Part J. that only on the coronation do the Kings ever enter there, and never afterwards till they are taken there for interment. This festival forms an exception.

¶24 Tents made of beautifully woven cloths were set up and enclosed with mattings at the Abata, the Akesan, the Apini, and near the Bara for the King as on the coronation. Attended by all the noblemen he issued from the palace and entered each of these tents in succession, the noblemen waiting outside and only one woman (probably a priestess) accompanied him into the tent. He remained half an hour or an hour in each performing certain . ceremonies, and sent presents of kola nuts to those waiting outside and so on till he reached the Bara. On his return, that very evening the general festivities began. All the Egiiguns observed a vigil, the voice of the Agan being heard all night. The next day an Egiigun confinement was proclaimed in which all women and children must remain indoors. The Egiiguns our readers will remember are the denizens of the other world, and are supposed to be our dead relatives on a visit to us.

¶25 For a limited space of time during the day, licence was granted to all the Egtiguns’ attendants to seize goats, sheep or fow] found in the streets: none was to exceed that fixed time, whoever did was arrested and made to pay a fine of 25 heads of cowries (equiv. to £1 5s. then) for each animal. In the afternoon of this day the King came outside the palace attended again by a woman, the large gate being shut; the whole area between the palace and the Akesan was full of Egiiguns. He sat on a hide, and reclined on a bolster, the wife sitting by his side was by special permission initiated into the Egiigun mysteries. Then appeared the supposed spirit of his father dressed in the skin of the red monkey ; the King prostrated before his father and the ‘“‘ monkey ” rubbed him all over with its tail and blessed him.

¶26 It was supposed that Eru-ifa one of his slaves was under the mask on this occasion. The King’s ‘‘funeral’’ expenses on this occasion can only be imagined.

¶27 Not long after this celebration, the King’s health which had

¶28 not been very good lately, markedly declined. He was soon reported ill. Whether anything deleterious to health was applied on him with the tail of the red monkey or not, we cannot tell, but His Majesty succumbed under the ailment and was gathered unto his fathers, and the Bara was soon again the scene of a great ceremony sombre and sad.

¶29 Before the King’s death, anticipating trouble for his eldest son Adelu, from sticklers after precedents, he reminded the Ibadans of the new law of succession he had sanctioned and begged them to stand by the Crown Prince and support his claim for he did not wish him to die with his father. And this they promised on oath. Thus passed away ATIBA the first ALAFIN of the present Oyo and ADELU his son was proclaimed King in his stead.

§ 2. CIRCUMSTANCES THAT LED TO THE IJAYE WAR.

¶31 ADELU the son and successor of ATIBA was acknowledged King by all, except Kuriimi the Are of Ijaye.

¶32 Towards the latter end of Atiba’s reign, there was some disaffection between him and the Are; this breach with the Crown widened by the succession of ADELU whom the Are refused to acknowledge as a lawful successor to his father. “It is contrary to custom ”’ said he, ‘‘and the Aremo should die with his father.” He never repaired to Oyo to do homage according to custom, nor evensenta congratulatory message. He was for seeking for another prince of the older line, of the royal family at Igboho or Kihisi to succeed ATIBA, but ADELU having been duly elected and accepted by the denizens of the palace and obtaining the support of the Ibadan chiefs, ascended the throne in due form, and the pretext for an open rupture which the Are had long been seeking was hereby afforded. The common people also catching the spirit of the times sang in their dances:

¶33 ‘* ATIBA ma ti ilo, (‘ Atisa don’t go yet awhile, Duro de ADELUO!” Wait for your ADELU pray !”’)

¶34 The ALAFIN was conciliatory towards the Are, who was the comrade of his father in their old warlike days, but the Are remained irreconcilable. Every means of averting war was resorted to, but the Are remained obdurate and insolent. Matters came to a crisis when a rich lady Abu by name, died intestate at Ijanna; she left no heirs, and as such the property reverted to the Crown. But Ijanna being directly under Ijaye, owing to the breach between the King and Kuriimi, the townfolk were divided in their opinions as to the disposal of the property. They feared the power of Ijaye on the one hand and yet loyalty to the Crown dictated a contrary

¶35 action ; so one party sent to Oyo to request that the King should send to take over the property, the other party sent a similar message to Ijaye. The King anticipating danger to those whom he sent for the treasure ordered a well equipped force under Akingbehin Aleyo the Ona-aka, and the Aremo’s Balogun to escort them. But Kuriimi sent a body of troops to waylay them, and the Oyo escorts with the messengers bringing the treasures were attacked by the Ijaye troops at Apata Maba near Oke ’ho and were dispersed some escaping to Oke’ho others to Iseyin. Within four days they collected themselves together at Iseyin and met there with the Oro traders who could not return home for fear of the Ijaye kidnappers but who now availed themselves of the protection of the escorts to return home.

¶36 The Ijaye troops under the command of Amodu intercepted them again between Iseyin and Oyo. The Ijayes encamped on a rock named afterwards Apata Jabata because there the Jabata of Oyo fell. When they met, the Oyo escorts asked, ‘‘ And who are ye?”’ They replied, ‘‘ We are from Oyo sent by the ALAFIN to escort you home,” allowing them to come very near; when suddenly the Ijaye troops opened fire upon them and so dispersed the Oyo troops with the traders and all. About 240 of them were taken captive exclusive of some minor chiefs, e.g. Aridede, Aleyd, Jigin, etc. The head priest of Sango lost 10 of his daughters caught in this raid.

¶37 The ALAFIN sent again and again requesting the Are to release them but he obstinately refused to do so, saying unless they were redeemed for 10 bags of cowries each. [The price of slaves at that period being about half that amount.]

¶38 The ALAFIN sent back to say “ I have a claim on you to demand the release of these people, for besides being the King of YORUBA to whom allegiance is due, remember what I did for you in the past. When you sent one Dayiro on an expedition and the people of Saki defeated him and made about 21o of his men prisoners, did I not use my authority and influence and obtain the release of them all and send them to you free of charge? Why should you now detain my own people ? ”’

¶39 [The above incident relates to one of the acts of the King to conciliate the Are’s refractoriness}. Still the Are refused pointblank to release them. And further, in order to avert war with Ijaye, His Majesty sent the Samu (one of the Oyo MEs1) via Ijaye to Ibadan to ask the Ibadan Chiefs to second his remonstrance and prevail on the Are to release his people. The Are was inexorable, and even chased the Samu on his way to Ibadan; the Samu escaped the pursuers and returned home wa Iwo. The ALAFIN

¶40 then gave orders that the Oyo people should go to Ijaye and redeem each one his relatives as soon as possible.

¶41 The ALAFIN was now determined to punish Ijaye by the help of the Ibadans; he therefore sent to them 40 slaves, 8 demijohns of beads, with gowns and vests, saying he had declared war against Ijaye.

¶42 The matter was taken up warmly at Ibadan ; many remembered that the town was placed under a ban by the late Basorun Oluyole who failed to take it himself. The Balogun of Ibadan alone among the senior chiefs was for peaceful measures. ‘‘ Kuriimi is an old man ”’ said he, ‘‘ and willsoon die, and the Ijayes are our kinsmen.”’

¶43 The other chiefs imposed a fine on him for thus “ betraying cowardice.’ But they knew well enough his matchless valour and undaunted courage, and the real cause of his reluctance to rush into a war of this kind. Ijaye was a town of equal importance with Ibadan, equal in valour, courage, and skill, and both with vast connections between each other and all over the country ; for them to engagein war would mean deluging the whole of Yorubaland with blood. But when he could not prevail over his generals, and the common soldiers affixed a crow to his house at night implying that he was a coward (as cowardly as a crow is a common expression in this country); and also threw stones into his house, he yielded to public opinion and commenced his own preparations for war.

¶44 When the Are of [jaye heard of the movement against him, being self-confident he was loud in his boastings: ‘‘ On this post will I chain that imp of Ogunmola,”’ “ Ibikunle will have cause to remember the Odogido disaster,’’ and so forth. He gave orders that all the youths of Ijaye should be trained to the use of bow and arrows, the older men superintending the practice. To those who succeeded as good marksmen he awarded prizes. This practice was termed ‘‘Sé e”’ and was carried out daily without intermission.

¶45 Being fond of singing and dancing the Are kept amusing himself with parabolic songs and witty sayings e.g.

¶46 “A ta opolo ni ipa, o sun ikaka, Gbogbo wa ni yio ku bere.” (A frog is kicked and lies on its back, We shall all die by myriads.)

¶47 The common people took up the same against the ALAFIN

¶48 and the Ibadans. Against the Ibadans they sang :— “Ibadan a kd gba Ajele Ibadan we can accept no Resident, Orogun li awa ise.” For rivals are we. This meant to say “‘ We cannot serve or yield to you.” N

¶49 Against the ALAFIN they sang :—

¶50 ‘*L’aiye Onalu! li a ro okan le okan L’aiye Kurumi li a ro’gba ro’gba _L’aiye Adelu ni ipele di itele idi.” (In Onalu’s time we used changes of dress. In Kuriimi’s time we used cloths of the finest weaving In Adelu’s time our best becomes our every day’s.)

¶51 This last description of Adelu’s time is a well-understood irony. It is a common saying in this country ‘“‘Ibere otosi bi ome olord la iri’’ (When poverty begins, one appears like a rich man’s son) which means that when one cannot afford to replace the everyday dress, one resorts to his best for every day use and thus appears like a rich man; but the real condition soon becomes apparent when this cannot be replaced. This condition is what they would now apply to Adelu’s regime.

¶52 The tocsin of war was now resounding from one end of the country to another. Kuriimi disallowed the exportation of foodstuffs to Ibadan. The Ibadans sought the alliance or at least the neutrality of Abeokuta and Ilorin and pressed into service the Oyo towns under her protection. Kuriimi sent one Oje to conclude an alliance with the Egbas and to procure ammunition, but Ogunmola of Ibadan, who was entrusted with the negotiations with Abeokuta forestalled him, and they took an oath of friendship and neutrality with Ibadan.

¶53 The populace of Ibadan were now singing in their dances :—

¶54 ““ Akope Ijaye ki o ma ko ti Ik4 mo, Onigbo da ’gbo meji.” (Palm cutters of Ijaye do not venture to Ika, The lord of the forests divides it in two.)

¶55 By a transposition of names tle Ijayes were singing the same ditty, Ika being just midway between the two towns. Intercommunication now ceased. On all hands were heard ‘‘Onile ki o gbe ile ko kan odi yiyan.”” (Let every man keep to his own house, that need not imply animosity.) The kidnappers soon began to infest the farms; thus the Ibadans kidnapped two American missionaries who hearing of the rumours of war and incursions of the kidnappers went in search of Mr. J. C. Vaughan at his farm at Ido. Mr. Vaughan had escaped back to Ijaye by another route, and the missionaries were caught and brought to Ibadan

¶56 1 Kuriimis other name.

¶57 on the 2oth of February 1860. These war boys, not knowing what to do with white men, brought them with their horses mounted as they were, to the Rev. D. Hinderer, saying ‘‘ White man, we have brought you your brothers,’ Mr. Hinderer thanked them and gave them some cowries to procure refreshments. The gentlemen were sent on to Abeokuta the next day, communication with that town being then still free and uninterrupted.

¶58 All hopes of a pacific settlement were now given up, for private messages, advices, and remonstrances were without number to the Are; but forall this Kurimi remained unyielding to the King, and defiant to Ibadan. War was now formally declared. When at the next meeting of the town council, the Balogun arose in his place and harangued the assembly ending with ‘‘ Eyin omo Jama, Mo fi Ijaye jin o’’ (Young men, Ijaye is now given up to you) a loud and prolonged huzza of ‘‘ Muso, Muso,” greeted his astonished ears. He was painfully impressed with the knowledge of how popular the war was. Oranyan was worshipped and the standard of war was borne out once more by the valiant and experienced commander-in-chief Ibikunle on the roth of April, 1860. It was known to all that Balogun Ibikunle went forth to this war with great réluctance. He had seen many battles and known well the horrors of a siege, and of all sieges one against one’s own blood relations was particularly horrid and heartrending to him. Inter-marriages and national festivals which they had in common had made them one; they were sharers together in times past of weal and woe; supply of foodstuffs for overgrown Ibadan came largely from Ijaye where the soil was fertile and the people industrious. These considerations therefore made the bravest shrink from a war that might possibly be averted.

¶59 When starting for the expedition, as soon as his foot was on the stirrup, his Akewi (bard) gave utterance to the following pathetic strains.

¶60 ‘Baba mi fire igbo odajuo! o! o! Nibi ti gQlomo meji yio ku okan, Nibi ti Olomo kan yio pdhéra, ‘Iya mi ni fima wa’—ki o pada lehin Baba mi, ‘Baba mi ni ima wa’—ki o pada lehin Baba mi, Kiniun Onibudo. ‘Iyawo mi to igbe ’—ki o pada lehin Baba mi, i, i, Kiriniun Onibudo.” (My master is going to the field of the heartless ah |! ah |! ah me |

¶61 Where the parent of two will be left with but one, Where the parent of one will be left all forlorn.

¶62 Let him whose mother forbids him to come return from following my Lord, Let him whose father forbids him to come return from following my Lord. The Lion of the Master of camps, Let him whose betrothed is of age to be wed return from following my Lord. The Lion of the Master of camps).

¶63 As the expedition started the drummer struck up the war march “ Kiriniun Onibudo.”

¶64 {Toki surnamed Onibudo, master of camps, it will be remembered was a formidable war-chief, the Seriki of the Ibadan army and the uncle of this chief. He succeeded his uncle as Seriki from which post he rose to be Balogun. He is eulogized as the lion that rendered chief Toki to be so formidable.]

¶65 Ogunmola who had gone to intercept Ojé did not return home, but awaited the Balogun at Orita Elépo a small resting place about four miles from Ibadan town, at the junction of the two roads leading from the Oyo gate and Inalende gate of Ibadan.

§ 3. WHEN GREEK MEETS GREEK

¶67 The Ijayes were not idle either, and did not wait at home with folded arms for the Ibadans to come. The first battle took place at Apata Ika—the Ika rock just midway between the two towns—and the Are soon found, too late, and to his cost the truth of the message sent him that he should yield and accept a compromise and not haughtily compare the Ibadans of the present day to those of yore. But he was truly a-born warrior and never lost courage, notwithstanding that he had now to contend with a younger generation of Ibadans who were quiteinured to the hardships of the field and whose trade was war.

¶68 But the Are’s eyes were now open when too late ‘to yet another folly of his. In order that he might secure for himself a safe and despotic position, he had killed so many brave men of Ijaye and had forbidden any chief to accumulate ammunitions of war, that only three hard battles were fought before he found his magazines exhausted. The Ijayes now resorted to bows and arrows and consequently they lost ground rapidly. But for this probably the war would have ended in a draw as before.

¶69 The Egbas were now resolved to take part in this war. The majority were for assisting Ijaye. Sokenu alone was against their taking this course “‘ after the oath of alliance and friendship

¶70 taken with the Ibadans,’’ said he, “it will be a serious breach of faith, and even the gods will be against us.”

¶71 This opposition, it was said, was the cause of his early death. The altercation was sharp, and the other chiefs in going said to him “We must not meet you alive on our return,” and he retorted “Tf at all you return alive.” Shortly after this Sokenu became paralysed (from poison it was said) and died.

¶72 The expedition was commanded by Angba the Balogun of Oba as generalissimo—all the other Baloguns including Somoye “ Basorun ”’ the Balogun of Iporo had to serve under him. They halted for a long while at Atadi, 12 miles from home, undecided what course to take: then they proceeded to Olokemeji where, still of two opinions, they debated the matter afresh, whether to go to the help of the Ibadans with whom they had formed an alliance or to the assistance of Ijaye. (Olokemeji is a central and neutral ground for the Ijaye, Ibadan, and the Oke Ogun hunters). They finally decided to help the Ijayes, “‘ to raise the siege, and drive away the Ibadansand dispossess them of those kola groves originally planted by our fathers and grandfathers.’’ This last idea swayed them. Thus it was subsequently reported at Ibadan. But thereis an Egba version of the reason why they decided to ally themselves with the Ijayes. Some one alleged that Ogunmola was reported to havesaid that aftershaving the crown of the head he would shave the occiput ! Meaning after taking Ijaye he would also take Abeokuta ! But there is no proof whatever of this assertion, especially as there was no occasion for any such thing. And again Ogunmola the author of the treaty of friendship and alliance was not the man to utter such a threat, which he certainly was not in a position to carry out, being a subordinate officer. And if he did say it, there would not have been such a prolonged hesitation amongst the Egbas, and such divided counsel as to what course they should pursue. The former version therefore, is far more probable.

¶73 Thus they proceeded from Olokemeji to Ijaye. But the venerable Chief Ogunbona, Balogun of Ikija did not proceed with them; he remained encamped at Olokemeji to be a protection and guard to caravans going and coming between that place and Ijaye.

¶74 The Ijebus also as kith and kin to a portion of the Egbas seemed to have entered into an agreement to be one with them for offensive and defensive purposes. Hence when the Egbas went to Ijaye against the Ibadans, they also for no other reason entered into a state of warfare against Ibadan.

¶75 Mele the Ibadan state messenger to the Ijebus in the days of Oluygle the late Basorun was again sent with Kobiowu the

¶76 Jagun to conclude a treaty of friendship with the Ijebus before their attitude was known. But the Ijebus sent a body of troops which attacked them at Odo Ona even before they had left the Ibadan farms, on their way to Ijebu! With shield and spear Mele bravely defended himself and retreated with his party home with only slight wounds.

¶77 The Emir of Ilorin also embraced this opportunity for declaring war against Ibadan. The “ Kafiris’’ (infidels) said he, ‘‘ are at war with one another, and we should combine against this Ibadan which has often baulked us of our prey; we may yet carry the Koran to the sea.”” He sent some horsemen to Ijaye, who when they observed the starvation and distress that ensued, could not remain long ; however, they kept kidnapping in the Oyo farms.

¶78 The Owa of Ilesa not only revolted against Ibadan, but also took advantage of the coalition to takerevenge upon Efon Ahaye and other towns which were allies of the Ibadans during the late Ijebu Ere and Ara wars.

¶79 Thus practically all the principal states in Yorubaland were combined to crush the Ibadans who had rid the country of the great bug-bear of the Fulani subjugation, but in turn became so restless as to be a source of anxiety to them all.

¶80 But a section of the Ijebus viz. Ijebu Remo with Kehéré the Balogun of Ipara at their head was friendly tothe Ibadans. They held that they were a commercial people, and Ibadan not only their best, but also their only customer, and one time their deliverer in the time of Lakanle ; and they could not see their way to join in a war that did not concern them. The periodic 9 days’ market, therefore, was continued between them, and as we shall see hereafter the Ibadans had to fight their way there and back, escorting caravans.

¶81 Meanwhile the struggle between the combatants was proceeding. The third and last battle fought before the arrival of the Egbas had exhausted the Are’s store of ammunition. The battle was fought in his own farm and was one of the bloodiest ever fought in this campaign. Nothing but the intrepid personal bravery of the Are saved him from being taken alive that day ; had he given ground an inch he would have irretrievably lost the day.

¶82 There were only two fierce battles fought afterwards that may be compared to this last ; on the last occasion the Are at the head of his choicest troops charged the Ibadan centre with intrepidity and desperation, with a determination to break through, but the Ibadans remained firm and impregnable. The circumstances will be related below.

¶83 The Egbas arrived at Ijaye in the nick of time to replenish

¶84 the exhausted stores of the Ijayes. The Are who from experience knew the strength of the Ibadans, forewarned them to be very cautious and not to encamp outside the walls of Ijaye. The Egbas fresh from home and buoyant in spirits spurned the idea of ‘* sheltering ’’ themselves within the walls of the town ; however, they encamped without but close by the walls of Ijaye.

¶85 The camp of the Ibadans was at this time at Olorisa Oko, about 3 hours’ walk from Ijaye. The Balogun of Ibadan could not at first be made to believe that the Egbas came as allies to the Ijayes after the oaths they had taken with Ibadan. To those who brought the report he said “‘ Yes, they may have come but it must be to negotiate peace between us.’’ Over and over again he was assured that they have come with a mighty army. ‘‘ Yes,” he replied, ‘‘it must be to put an end to the war.”’ But at last, the Balogun was taken quite aback when a band of skirmishers returned and reported that they were driven back by the Egbas who came in overwhelming numbers against them. The Ibadans were alarmed and dismayed at the report. ‘In Kuriimi,” said they, ““ we have an equal match already, and how to face the combined force with the overwhelming host of the Egbas? ”’

¶86 But the principal chiefs encouraged one another and were determined to die rather than yield. ‘‘ Death,” said they “‘ was preferable to the shame of a defeat, or the humiliation of being made a prisoner.’’ ‘‘ Here is his head is better than here is his face’’ said Ogunmola. ‘ If we cannot resist them here, surely we shall not be able to do so at home if driven from this place.’’ He then took out his jack knife and displaying it before all his colleagues he said ‘“‘ It must be victory or Death.”

¶87 A council of war was held, and it was resolved that they should wait until the Egbas came and attacked them, and if they succeeded in repelling the attack then they would have hopes of being able to maintain their ground ; but if they went and offered battle first and were forced to retreat,it was certain the men would be disheartened and really demoralized, and there would be a poor chance for them—it would end for them ina total defeat. One Kujenyo a babalawo or Ifa priest was thereupon commissioned to make charms to provoke the Egbas to come forward to fight.

¶88 The Egbas on the other hand fresh from home were eager to offer battle, contrary to the advice of the Are of Ijaye. ‘‘ Let them come first and attack you here,”’ said the Are to the Egbas, ‘‘ but never go after them.”’ But the Egbas replied that when they left home they meant business and were not afraid of the Ibadans. A period of about a fortnight elapsed in which there was inaction on both sides.

¶89 At length the day arrived and to the field the Egbas led their troops with flying coloyrs. The Ibadan outposts reported the advance of the Egbas in the order of battle. The Balogun of Ibadan issued orders that no one should fire a gun until the word of command was given. The Egbas came within a few yards of the entrenchments and their fire wounded several persons within the Ibadan camp before the command was given. The Balogun’s voice rang out ‘“‘ OOmo Ibadan, e gba e fi ti won” (Ibadan boys, up and at them). Then the Ibadansrushed out, and thestruggle commenced.

¶90 At the first onslaught of the Ibadans, the Egbas retreated about a hundred yards and made a stand, and then ensued a most desperate fight on both sides. To the Ibadans it was a matter of life and death, and their one thought was whether they would be able to maintain their ground against the overwhelming odds of the Egbas, the Ijayes being now at a discount; but it was not long before they became confident that they could certainly maintain their ground.

¶91 Ogunmola being a man of small stature was wont to be mounted on the tallest horse he could possibly obtain, and move from point to point in the field observing the men’s behaviour, and singling out individuals for praise or blame. On this occasion, having observed for a while the methods of the Egbas, he rode up joyfully to the Commander-in-Chief saying “‘ Ibikunle, a o se won, a 0 se won, Egba ko mo ogun jija”’ (Ibikunle, we shall win, we shall win. The Egbas have no knowledge of the art of war).

¶92 What Ogunmola observed was as follows :—As the combatants on both sides came company by company to the firing line (what they call Tawusi), Ogunmola noticed in the first place that the Egba shooting was too high, and that the men under fire were rarely ever hit, whilst the Ibadans had been taught to shoot low, and consequently they scored several hits among their foes. Again the Egbas discharged all their muskets at once and all turned back together before the relieving company came up; whereas the Ibadans kept a reserved fire with which they accompanied the retiring foe, so that the retiring was more or less a disorderly retreat, and again they kept their place until their own relieving company came up, and more often gained a few yards forward before those of the Egbas came up, and thus gradually were gaining more and more ground. Ogunmola noticing all this was sure that, according to their own method of fighting, when later on, the Balogun arose to fight, and all men and all arms must push forward in a general engagement, this disorderly retreat of the Egbas would be converted to a general rout. Hence he was confident in assuring the Balogun that they would win.

¶93 But long before it was time for that, another officer, viz. Abayomi the Ajiya Bale planned out tactics of hisown. Asall the Bale’s fighting men were disposed as strategy requires he seemed to know that the Egbas left their flank unguarded ; he left the main body of his men at their post, and chose out a number of brave fellows to cut through the bush a great way off and suddenly burst upon the Egbas at the rear with a shout, and away fled the whole host panic stricken, and the rout was complete. There was a morass a little way off called Alabata which many of them were driven into, and were either slaughtered or taken alive. Some never halted but fled from the battlefield into the camp and from the camp into the town of Ijaye, others at full speed homewards the Ibadan boys pursuing.

¶94 Ijaye would have been taken that day but for the Are. Watching the movements of the Egbas, he noticed their lack of skill in their manceuvring and fighting, and anticipating a disaster he held his men in readiness for eventualities. As soon as the Egbas gave way and the Ibadans were in pursuit, he made a flank movement and intercepted the Ibadans ; and these, seeing there were no chiefs behind them to back them up, hastily retired from the pursuit. The chiefs did not give chase for fear of what the Are might do, but they kept an eye on him; for he might take them in the rear and convert their victory into a defeat.

¶95 From that day the Ibadans were confident of ultimate success and the Ijaye chiefs despaired of driving back the enemy. The Egbas were much enraged and ashamed of this defeat which they attributed to the cowardice of their Generalissimo Anoba, and for this they ordered him to “go to sleep’”’ (a euphemism for suicide). They said that instead of coming up to their assistance with the reserved forces, he himself gave way also!

¶96 The Ibadan boys ascribed this victory to Ajiya Abayomi in their songs and dances :—

¶97 “ Ajiya nikan V’o le’gun, ‘Twas Ajiya singly routed the foe, Iwi l’a ko gbodo wi.” But we must not say ’tis so.)

¶98 A very large number of captives fell into the hands of Ogunmola, and as the author of the treaty, which was so perfidiously broken he took vengeance on many of them, by ordering their faces to be branded with broad Tapa marks, and exultingly took a name on it “Emi a so Egba di Tapa’ (the transformer of Egbas into Tapas). He, moreover, ordered yam peels to be rubbed on the marks in order that the irritant may cause thick scars on them.

¶99 In order to show what contempt the Ibadans now had for the Egbas as fighters, they sang while they danced :—

¶100 “Kanakana Ajibade Ohan, gohan ni ndun. A ri Egba lokankan a se bi ogun ni, Ija suke suke ni ija Egba, Ija lile lile n’ija Oyo.” (The crows of Ajibade Ohan ghan they cry. Egbas at a distance appear like men, Nerveless and feeble Egbas are in fight, Strenuous and brave Oyos are in fight.)

¶101 Emboldened by this success, the Ibadans removed their camp further to a place called Ajibade (where the Egbas were defeated) and. the battle ground was now at Alabata (where they were driven to) about two hours’ walk from Ijaye.

¶102 Several hard battles were fought before they could establish themselves here, but at every fight the Ibadan$ gained ground, and so they again removed their camp from Ajibade to Alabata, and the battle ground was now at the River Ose not far from the walls of Ijaye.

¶103 By this time the ammunition of the Ibadans was exhausted, and but for Kehéré the Balogun of Ipara the expedition would have ended in failure if not disaster to the Ibadans. Kehéré was faithful to them to the end.

¶104 The unfriendly Ijebus of Ode and Igbo were daily raiding the Ibadan farms. Flying columns had to be organized to protect the farmers and chase away the Ijebus. They also kidnapped from the caravans to Ijebu Remo (viz. Ipara, Iperu, Ode, Ikorodu) ; the Ibadans were obliged to send escorts from the camp from time to time to protect these traders to Ipara and back. The Ijebus more than once made a regular encampment and erected forts to block the way after the caravans had passed on to Ipara, the intention being to prevent their return; but the Ibadans always succeeded in routing them, pulling down the forts, and returning home safe with the caravans. In one of these defeats, one Kongo a well-known Ijebu, who was formerly a trader and aresident at Ibadan was caught with several others; but Chief Ogunmola lost two of his most valiant men in this fight, Kukula and Erin. He showed his resentment by ordering Kongo to be killed on Kukula’s grave, and the rest of the Ijebu captives they led to the camp at the river Ose, exhibited them to the Egbas and Ijayes, and then killed them under their eyes, to show that they had been victorious over their allies as well.

¶105 But there was a memorable battle of this kind fought at the river Omi in the Ijebu Remo road which was terrible. The Ijebus exasperated by the former defeats were determined to deal a crushing blow to the Ibadans the next time. For some weeks the caravans could not proceed, the road had become more unsafe than ever ; all who came from the provinces assembled at Ibadan. Then the chiefs sent powerful escorts from the camp under chiefs Abayomi, Tubgsun, and Madarikan. The name of Abayomi raised the hopes of the caravans, and an extra large number of them flocked together to take advantage of this opportunity.

¶106 After the caravans and escorts had passed on to Remg, a large Ijebu army was sent to prevent their return. They erected strong stockades right across the path in three places, and placed bodies of troops behind each, the main army and the encampment being behind the strongest stockade towards Ibadan, and there awaited the return of the caravan. Madarikan the leader of the van first came at them and fighting ensued; the first stockade was won and they came up to the second. Madarikan was wounded in half-a-dozen places and driven back towards Remg, bleeding all over and was hors de combat. When Ajiya Abayomi came up, he dashed upon the Ijebus with great intrepidity and won the second stockade ; he then repelled the enemy until they came to the third and strongest stockade with the encampment behind it of the main Ijebu army. At the sight of the Ibadans, the Ijebus raised a great shout of triumph and tauntingly asked “By what way will you get home now? You had better try flying.’’ From behind the stockade they wrought havoc among the Ibadans with impunity, being protected from the bullets of the latter by the stockade.

¶107 Chief Abayomi thereupon called some of his most trusty servants, and posted them with their men on the highway with orders not to yield an inch if all had to perish there. He then chose a band of trusty veterans, cut a path through the forest and attacked the Ijebus in the rear. When the Ijebus driven to bay, saw the foe before and behind, they were furious and dashed upon the Ibadans with great intrepidity. At the first onslaught, Abayomi the Ibadan leader was shot off his horse, and when his veterans saw their master fall and their own fire languishing, they became exasperated, and with drawn swords they rushed upon the Ijebus with great fury and madness, broke through their ranks and put to the sword those that could not escape. They immediately pulled down the stockade and rejoined those of their comrades who had been posted in the highway and had come up. They pursued the Ijebus a little way and rescued as many as they could of the women and others of the caravans whom the Ijebus had

¶108 captured before the main body of escorts came up. Thus the Ibadans eventually won; the victory though dearly bought was complete. Abayomi, however, rallied, and was able to lead the people home. When reports of this victory reached the camp and the cost at which it was achieved the Balogun and other senior chiefs immediately sent congratulations to Abayomi, Madarikan and others, and allowed them to remain at home until their wounds were healed before rejoining their comrades in the camp before Tjaye.

¶109 From this and previous achievements Abayomi (through his bards) added to his other names “‘ Death to traitors,’”’ ‘‘ Terror to the Ijebus,” ‘“‘ Maker of safe paths through tangled forests.”’

¶110 There were further skirmishes on this road while the Ijaye war lasted, but none to be compared to the above two remarkable ones.

¶111 Meantime the war before Ijaye continued with undiminished vigour the invaders being now replenished with ammunition.

¶112 The Ijaye watchman was posted on the top of a tall tree near the River Ose, from whence he could command the view for several miles around, and announce the approach of the enemy.

¶113 For a long time the River Ose was the scene of action : whichever party arrived first at the stream gained the opposite bank and held it until repulsed. In course of time the Ibadans gained the river permanently, and the action thenceforth was on the Ijaye side of it.

¶114 At this time all the farms being in the hands of the Ibadans, the distress, starvation and consequent mortality at Ijaye were indescribable. Hundreds, nay thousands died in the streets from starvation, whole families perished without anyone to bury them. All the livestock had been consumed, the garden, the streets, and the yards were all planted with corn, but the cornstalks were devoured when they could not wait for the corn to develop. The herb Gbérd a common creeper in the streets was planted in every available place and used for food.

¶115 It was generally said then that the advent of the Egbas replenished their magazines but exhausted their granaries. Now the Egbas procured food for themselves from home, but instead of succouring their allies, they took advantage of their distress to benefit themselves. A child who wandered longingly to an Egba tent and obtained a meal of beans (awuje) thereby became his slave ! The Egba man who could procure several loads of Awuje beans from home, covered all his expenses by securing so many Tjaye children as slaves for feeding them ! All these were sent home to Abeokuta.

¶116 But the good offices of the missionaries of the C.M.S. and American Baptists at Ijaye at this time were never to be forgotten. Sympathizing friends at home and abroad sent them supplies, and they received and maintained as many [jaye children as they could. The parents also received some assistance and were glad and thankful to see their children provided for. The names of the Rev. Adolphus Mann, C.M.S. and Mr. J. T. Bowen, American Baptist, can never be forgotten by any Ijaye born.

¶117 Mr. Mann’s skill in surgery also was in requisition; he was of immense service in extracting bullets and binding up wounds. Thus in ministering to the wants of famished children, sheltering orphans and performing surgical operations he had his hands quite full.

¶118 The Ijaye people had also to oppose a war behind them from Oyo. A small force under Amodu was sent to Iran, as he alone was quite enough to oppose the Oyo army which encamped at Tlora whence they issued for the fight.

¶119 The ALAFIN whose battle Ibadan was fighting had to supply both the Ibadan and Hora camps with gunpowder and bullets and for the latter purpose the services of all Oyo smiths were in requisition.

¶120 The ALAFIN also invited the Baribas, but their cavalry on which they solely depended were of little use in forest lands; the Ijayes at Iran concealing themselves in the thickets surrounding the town had the advantage of them. Although Iran was a small village yet the men were able to repulse the attacks of the Oyos and Baribas.

¶121 But if they could not capture Iran these Baribas were a source of great annoyance to the Ijayes by kidnapping in their farms and thereby increasing the amount of distress and starvation in the town. This gave rise to the pathetic wail:

¶122 “Ibadan mu, Fiditi mu

¶123 Ojojumo ni ara Ago fimu ni !’oko

¶124 Ojojumo ni ara Ago tiyan mumusin lehin odi

¶125 Oran yi jo bi ala l’oju mi.” Ibadan kidnaps, Fiditi kidnaps, Daily the men of Ago kidnap in our farms, Daily the men of Ago capture for service behind our walls, This matter to me is like a dream !”

§ 4. FAMINE AND THE SWORD

¶127 As we have already noticed, most of the Oke Ogun towns were under the rule of the Are of Ijaye; at this crisis they became

¶128 the source of food supply to Ijaye, and both men and women frequented these regions for procuring provisions.

¶129 By this time the people of Ijaye had recovered from the first shock and horror of a siege, and as the town could not be carried by assault, and was now fairly supplied with food from, the Oke Ogun regions, and with ammunition from Abeokuta, the hopes of taking the town soon became very small.

¶130 The Ibadans now tried to cut off their supplies by sending a small army to Oke Ogun. Iseyin was friendly to Ijaye and Ibadan, and both were admitted within her walls. A man called Ojelabi went to Iseyin and began to seize people’s things in the market for ‘‘ privilege’ as an Ibadan man; Majaro the Aseyin ordered him out of the town, but he not only refused to go but was also setting houses on fire with a lighted torch. He was ultimately driven out under a shower of stones. The Ibadans hearing that Ojelabi was driven out and not knowing the cause, sent one Rogunto ask whetherit was theirintention to rebel, or why had they expelled Ojelabi. But as Rogunandhis party were likewise pillaging the town they did not fare any better but were driven out by force of arms. Before this happened however, the Iseyin people showed evident signs of impatience at the language and actions of these men, and sounded in their songs a note of an impending civil fight :—

¶131 ‘““Ibadan ti o ko ti ko lo Awowo a w00”

¶132 (The Ibadan who sticks and won’t go. A great crash will crush him.)

¶133 The Ibadan boys on their part took up the challenge and retorted with ‘A f’adamo da ’mog lekun Awéwo.”’ (The shot gun will shut up all crashes and crushings.)

¶134 The civil fight soon set in, and Rogun held out till the evening before he was finally expelled the town.

¶135 Iwawun, Erin, and Awayé were for Ijaye, but Berekodo and other Ibarapa districts were for Ibadan. One Akawo was sent from the camp to ask the Iwawun people why they were supplying food to Ijaye, the answer returned not being satisfactory the result was a little war here also. The Are hearing this sent Amodu, Arawole, Adelakin, Abese and Labudanu to reinforce Iwawun. When Akawo found them too strong for him, he sent to the camp for re-inforcement, and Latosisa and other petty war-chiefs were sent tohishelp. Still they found the power of the Ijayes too much

¶136 for them to withstand, so much so that instead of besieging Iwawun, they were on the defensive, being practically besieged in their camps.

¶137 Iwawun and Erin were advantageously situated for defensive purposes, being built on a high hill and surrounded by a mass of huge craggy rocks; the town wall was built at the foot of the hill.

¶138 The Ibadan chiefs knowing that as long as Ijaye could draw supplies from these places the town could not be taken, Ogunmola was resolved to go himself and deal a decisive blow to their power here. The Balogun alone with his men and some minor chiefs being left in charge of the camp, Ogunmola his Otun and Osundina the Osi headed the rest of the war-chiefs to Oke Ogun.

¶139 Passing by the Ijaye farms to Fiditi, they reached the Oyo camp at Ilora. The ALAFIN sent one of the eunuchs to welcome them and take them presents of bullocks, sheep, goats, fowls, etc. Ogunmola respectfully declined to accept them now: he sent to tell the King that he would receive them after his return from taking Iwawun within nine days.

¶140 Ogunmola spoke that day as an oracle. He ordered Ajayi Ogboriefon the captain of the Ibadan contingent there to march on before him and receive a shot in that well-fed stomach of his.

¶141 ‘““ You are leading an easy life here with our King under pretence of fighting against this little place,” he said to him.

¶142 On reaching Iseyin Ogunmola went to pay his compliments to the Aseyin, and prostrated before him insalutation. The Aseyin forgetful of himself received him as a subject, but he had to pay dearly for it some years afterwards when Ogunmola became a Basorun of Ibadan, and consequently his official superior. The army passed on to Iwawun; rumours of a large reinforcement to the Ibadan force there reached the ears of the Ijayes at Iwawun, and some of those among them suggested that they should withdraw entirely before the break of day, but Arawole and Amodu said ‘’ Should we not see what is driving us before we run away? Or what shall we say to the Are at home?” Up to this time they had no positive knowledge as to who the leader of the expedition was.

¶143 Early next morning the Ibadans took a hasty breakfast, and soon after they filed out for the attack on Iwawun instead of waiting for an attack as usual. Those of the Ijayes who had suspected an access of reinforcement were now positive, for otherwise the small Ibadan force could not have been so bold this morning. In order to keep the expedition as secret as possible, apart from his rapid movements, Ogunmgla forbade his drummer

¶144 to beat and those of the other chiefs likewise, lest his arrival be known to the enemy ; but when the hour for battle was come, he ordered all the drummers including those of the other chiefs to strike up his own battle cry. Consequently the Ijayes were all dismayed and panic stricken when they heard :—

¶145 “A f’oké, afi ’gbo (But the hills, but the woods, Ko s’eni ti o le duro.” There’s no one to withstand me.)

¶146 Now they were forced to credit the report that Ogunmola himself was the leader of the expedition. It was thought most improbable that in the face of the Ijaye and Egba armies Ogunmola and staff with the other war-chiefs would venture to leave the camp.

¶147 But the Ijayes were men in the true sense of the word ; after the first shock of this discovery, they steeled their hearts and threw themselves on their assailants with great intrepidity but the odds were greatly against them. It is reported that the chief of Awaye was bribed or terrorized into disclosing a secret path by which an enemy might enter Iwawun, but this is very doubtful, because Awaye herself had to share the fate of Iwawun afterwards. Whatever it may be, Iwawun was taken by assault, and within an hour the town was in flames ! The Ijaye heroes had an opportunity of escape but did not avail themselves of it. Amodu fought and died a hero’s death. He had borne a distinguished part all through this war, and in him Ijaye sustained an irreparable loss.

¶148 Five of the Are’s sons were caught and slain, including Arawole his eldest surviving son. The death of. Arawole sent a thrill of horror and grief throughout the camp and town of Ibadan. Many were the ill-suppressed murmurs against Ogunmola for this heartless murder, for, although Kuriimi was now a foe, he was still a name and a venerable figure in the history of Yoruba, a contemporary of the fathers of these Ibadan chiefs and the last surviving link between their past in the old homes desolated by the Fulanis, and ‘these forest lands to which they have escaped. Now he was old and on the verge of the grave, to extinguish his light in his eldest son was an event no reflecting patriot could calmly contemplate. Ibikunle the Balogun was said to have shed a tear when he heard it, and none but that heartless diplomat Ogunmola could have killed Arawole thus. Of the [jaye chiefs, the Abese, Labudanu and Adejumo alone escaped to tell the tale. About ten others perished there.

¶149 Erin also was taken very easily the same day, and numbers of the Ijaye caravans who went there to buy provisions fell into their hands but a great many escaped into the bush.

¶150 On the return march of the Ibadans Ogunmola had

¶151 recourse to a ruse by which he entrapped hundreds of those who had escaped into the bush. Instead of his own battle cry, he ordered the drummers to strike up that of the Are of Ijaye, and when those who had escaped into the bush heard :—

¶152 “Tja Orogun koro, Orogun.”’ (Bitter is the quarrel of rivals, the rivals.)

¶153 they naturally thought their master had come to their help against Ogunmola, and as they issued one by one from their hiding places to flock to his standard, they fell an easy prey into the hands of the Ibadans.?

¶154 On the oth day of his leaving the Ilora camp, he arrived there again as he promised todo; and singularly Ajayi Ogboriefon was also wounded in his “ well-fed ’’ stomach, even as Ogunmola said.

¶155 But during the absence of Ogunmola and the flower of the Ibadan army at Iwawun, brave deeds were done behind the walls of Ijaye. It was now or never with the allies, and the Are was determined to take the Ibadan camp before their return. Had Ibikunle not been a particularly brave and experienced general, he could neyer have withstood the force of theimpact made upon him.

¶156 Appraising the Egbas at their true valuation, notwithstanding numbers, the Balogun opposed to them his Areagoro Aijenku but himself withstood the more vigorous attack of the Ijayes.

¶157 It was on this occasion that the Are at the head of a choice body of veterans made a dash on the Ibadan centre with a determination to break through ; but he might as well have hurled himself upon an immovable rock ! Again and again he tried and failed, and not only so, but the young woman, a devotee, who carried before him into battle his covered calabash of charms for safety and success, was severely wounded and had to be carriedaway. An eye-witness who stood by him all through and who related the events to the writer, said seeing his non-success, all disconsolate and despairing he sat under fire in the midst of the battle saying ‘‘ How can I go back, how can I? Icannot, I cannot.’’ His attendants and bodyguard had literally to carry him to the rear. The old general seemed to have forgotten that he was no longer young, and that for deeds of might and strength, age must give place to youth. Aijenku acquitted himself against the Egbas so well, that he had no need to ask for reinforcement from his chief. There can be

¶158 2 History repeats itself. It will be seen hereafter how by a singular act of retributive justice, Ogunmola lost his only son and heir in battle by the same trick being practised upon his son by the Ekitis.

¶159 no doubt that the Balogun gained in prestige enormously by this action and fully justified the eulogies of his bard

¶160 ‘‘Odunbudere Okunrin A to fi ise ogun ran.” (Odunbudere (an untranslatable word) a mighty man, Fit to be entrusted with the onus of war:)

¶161 On the return of the Ibadan expedition after the usual welcome the Balogun was said to have expressed himself bitterly to Ogunmola on the slaughter of the Are’s sons especially that of Arawole. ‘‘ Arawole,’”’ said he “is our own companion, and the Are, acontemporary of our fathers, how long further has he to live, and who is to uphold his house? ’’ Ogunmola was said to have justified his acts by saying ‘“‘ If we want the war to be over soon, sentiment must give way to something practical, a crushing blow was needed at Iwawun, and that is what I have dealt.”

¶162 The cutting off of provisions by the destruction of the Oke Ogun towns gave a death blow to Ijaye. The Are on hearing the sad news was crushed entirely by it. It was as if he had received his death warrant; he saw clearly that all hopes for Ijaye were now gone, and with a dejected spirit he was often seen in his house wandering about abstractedly and muttering to himself ‘“‘ Nje emi ni mo jebi oran yi? ’’ (am I then in the wrong in this matter?) He had hitherto been confident of success from the supposed justice of his cause, but now he was_ sadly disillusioned. ;

¶163 From this time the old general began to languish, and no more great deeds were recorded of him. He died of a broken heart in the month of June, 1861.

¶164 Thus passed away one of the most venerable and _ historic figures in Yoruba history.

¶165 Prior to his death occurred that of another notable” figure, a friend, colleague, and brother in arms. The Olu-Ode or chief of the hunters of ancient Ikoyi with Kuriimi were among the bravest defenders of the oldcountry. After the Fulani destruction of their homes he retired hither with Kurimi and lived the rest of his life at Ijaye. During this war he wrought havoc amongst the Ibadans with his cross bow and arrows. He was never known to miss his aim. In one of their skirmishes he was caught by the Ibadans. When brought into the camp it was said that the Balogun met and saluted him, prostrating before him as to his own father, and there and then gave him his liberty on parole. This was against the wish of Ogunmola who would have him killed at once, but the Balogun overruled it.

¶166 Another chief, a cavalry officer was also caught, one who had successfully crossed spears with the Fulanis in olden days. He, too, was set free on parole, and he wisely retired to Ibadan where he spent the rest of his days.

¶167 But the Olu-ode broke his parole, he was caught again trying to escape back to Ijaye. This time even the Balogun could not save him, much as he would like todo so; the other war-chiefs threatened to mutiny if the Olu-ode was again spared, and the Balogun was obliged to give way. ‘‘ Why are you going back to a doomed city? ’”’ he asked of the old chief. His reply was direct and simple: ‘‘ My children are there.’ ‘‘ Alas sire, you die, but for a cause not unworthy, you are laying down your life on account of your children.’’ Thus did the Balogun address him before he was led away to execution by Ogunmola’s swordbearers.

¶168 After Kuriimi’s death, Abogunrin his head slave had the honour of burying him. This was done in secret, and the two slaves who dug the grave were slain also to accompany their master so that the spot might not be disclosed ; but the place was found out afterwards, and the skull taken over to the ALAFIN as the custom was, for all who bore the title of Are-ona-Kakanfo.

¶169 The government of the town, and the conduct of the war now devolved upon Abogunrin the Are’s head slave, who had been placed in power even before his master’s death. His treasures and all his ammunition being under the charge of Abogunrin, implicit obedience was rendered to him by all, in all matters both civil and military.

¶170 The only road left to the Ijayes by soinilh they could obtain provisions and ammunition was the Abeokuta road, and on this the Ibadans began now to kidnap regularly. The caravans had to be under military escort, and the Egba outpost at Olokemeji was an immense service to them at this time.

¶171 The old chief Ogunbgna the Balogun of [kija who was stationed there died of illness, but a small force was still kept there to assist the caravans half way; the danger lay between Ijaye and Olokemeji, beyond this it was safe. One Oje was a notable escort, but he was caught in the Ijaye farms, and publicly executed.

¶172 Early in 1862 the Ibadans removed their camp once more from Alabata, and crossing the river Ose they pitched their tents in the battlefield ; three fierce battles were fought to prevent this but as the Ibadans were able to maintain their ground, the fate of Ijaye was sealed.

¶173 Leaving the Balogun to face the Ijayes, Ogunmola now went to the Abeokuta road and besieged the Egbas in their camp. The Ijayes thereupon left the town and encamped in the field opposite

¶174 the Ibadan camp. The fighting now was both obstinate and frequent, for besides fighting in the day, a special band of skirmishers was organized to keep it up all night.

¶175 On the 15th of March, 1862, Lieut. Dolbein, of H.MS. Prometheus, accompanied by Mr. Edward Roper, a European missionary of the C.M.S. came up to Ijaye to the relief of Mr. and Mrs. Mann.

¶176 A battle was fought on the 16th which he witnessed, and he was said to have expressed his opinion that the Ibadans were superior warriors judging from the manoeuvrings on both sides, and that the town was sure to be taken. But Mr. Mann was unwilling to leave his post, the state of Mrs. Mann’s health, however, rendered it imperative that he should take her down to the coast and he promised to return soon to his post. Mr. Edward Roper volunteered to hold the station until his return.

¶177 The Rev. A. and Mrs. Mann with Lieut. Dolbein left Ijaye early on the 17th March, 1862, and as soon as it was known that the white man had left the town, it was regarded as an evil omen for that town. The Egbas said that the white man’s God had shown them that evil was coming, and would not themselves wait for it either. Before night fall, there was a rush, fugitives overtook them even in the course of the day, and they had to redouble their speed both to avoid the crush of fugitives and also to escape the expected pursuers. Fortunately the Ibadans did not know in time that the town had been deserted or they might have met them by the way ; still some of the stragglers were met later on when pursuit was made.

¶178 Thus fell Ijaye, a town of ease and plenty, a town compact, and full of brave men, an industrious town, but too despotically governed, a town in which the citizens were marked by restlessness and daring.

¶179 Ijaye and Ibadan being sister towns and the people one, many wise heads in the former place made captives (as it were) of their wives and children, putting halters round. the necks of their own brothers and led them to Ibadan to the house of their relatives without being detected. Once there, they werefree. But knowing each other so well, some were detected'and captured. Some lost their bearings and missed their way in the town and were captured, some fell into the hands of acquaintances and were rescued. The Ijaye warriors in the camp with their chiefs escaped with the Egbas to Abeokuta, Abogunrin at their head.

¶180 The Egbas assigned them a portion of land where they pitched their tents, and there they subsequently built their houses. The spot is known as Agog [jaye to this day.

¶181 When the Rev. D. Hinderer of Ibadan heard of the capture of Mr. Edward Roper, he sent to negotiate for his release from Ogunmola in whose possession he was, but this hard-hearted soldier refused to give him up unless he was released for 200 bags of cowries (equivalent then to £200) 200 kegs of powder and 200 guns. Mr. Hinderer then went in person and remonstrated with Ogunmola. The latter grew more stern, refusing to abate any one of his terms, rather than that he would keep him, and if he was incapable of performing any material service for him, still he should be able to tend his poultry yardin his farm. ‘‘ We have learnt that white men live on eggs and milk I will feed this one with parched corn.’’ And he added ‘‘ We know that this is not the actual white man of Ijaye, whom we often saw in the battlefield: this one only entered the town a few days ago, hence you have such easy terms, otherwise we should have killed him right out, for he fought us, and we had oureyes on him.’”’ Mr. Mann we know did not fight, but relieved the wounded men; however, there were two “ Afro-American ”’ sharp-shooters,? who harassed the Ibadans a good deal with their rifles.

¶182 Mr. Hinderer then asked for the interference of the Balogun, of Aijenku and of Ajiya Abayomi ; they all interceded but in vain, he remained obdurate. Mr. Hinderer then sent two of his agents to the ALAFIN of Oyo to appeal to His Majesty for his interference.

¶183 The King then sent the following message to Ogunmola :— “What your Balogun Ibikunle, and your colleagues Aijenku and Abayomi failed to obtain from you, I know you have reserved the honour for me, and now I ask you to give up the white man freely and without any charges.’ In obedience to the King Ogunmola gave Mr. Roper up to his friends, the latter being too glad to be once more among his countrymen.

¶184 Besides the Rev. Mr. and Mrs. Hinderer, Mr. Roper met also at Ibadan, Mr. George Jeffries a friend and college mate of his, and both of them resided together.

¶185 A few months-after Mr. Roper’s arrival at Ibadan, his friend Jeffries was laid up from diarrhcea. Roper’s presence here at this time cannot but be regarded otherwise than as providential, to comfort and cheer up his friend’s dying hours. Jeffries passed quietly away and Roper undertook the charge of his station at Ogunpa, Ibadan. He remained there till he was able to return to England in 1865.

¶186 The good offices of His Majesty the ALAFIN to the missionaries claim our special notice. This was the second of the kind during this war. Mr. Samuel Cole, a native schoolmaster, was once

¶187 1 Messrs. Vaughan and Pettiford.

¶188 kidnapped between Ijaye and Iseyin in the early part of the conflict, (1860). Mr. Hinderer hearing this sent Mr. (now Rev.) D. Olubi to the ALAFIN, who kindly ordered his release and sent him to Ibadan. Mr. Cole returned to Abeokuta by the Remo road.

¶189 The Ijaye war was one of the bloodiest fought by the Ibadans, as may be expected ‘‘ When Greek meets Greek.’’ But the only chief of note that fell was Osundina the Osi (father of the wellknown Ibadan chief Apampa). He was shot in the knee, but he kept his post till the battle was over that day. He died a few days after. How many thousands upon thousands of common soldiers died on both sides it is impossible to say, but a faint idea could be had from the only authentic account kept.

¶190 At the commencement of the war Ogunmola ordered that a correct account of his soldier slaves who fell in battle should be kept. For that purpose a huge basket 5 or 6ft. high was kept and the cap of every slave of his who fell in battle was thrown into it. When Ijaye was taken Ogunmola counted the caps, they amounted to 1800, representing the soldier slaves of his who fell between April 10, 1860, and March 17, 1862, exclusive of freeborn soldiers ; and that was for only one single chief; what then of the whole Ibadan army and those of the provinces ; what of the Ijayes, the Egbas, the Oyos, and the Oke Ogun peoples, and Ijebus engagedin this war !

¶191 It shows the redoubtable courage of the assailants and the obstinate resistance of the defenders. It justifies Ibikunle’s reluctance to declare war upon their kith and kin. But those who knew Ijaye best, and were acquainted with the details of the enormities being committed there in the years before the war, were satisfied that their judgment was from above; the cup of their iniquities was full and not only the besiegers but also their very allies helped to bring about theirruin. This was evident from the significant song commonly sung in their dancesin those days:—

¶192 ‘“‘ Onigbeja li o fo ’gun, Iwi 1’a ko gbodo wi.” (‘Twas our allies caused our rout, But we must not say ’tis so.)

¶193 The Egbas have always been ashamed of this defeat which did not admit of being explained away, but many regarded it as a just punishment for their perfidy. And singularly, scarcely any of the principal chiefs concerned survived the war, thus recalling Sokenu’s retort on them. MHenceforth Oyos never have ‘any fear in meeting any Egbas in the field, whatever the odds.

¶194 Ijaye was taken, but the war was not over, the bad blood left behind rankled for the next three years.