Chapter 17. Subjugation Of The Ìjẹ̀ṣàs And Èkìtìs By The Ìbàdàns—Some Important Episodes—Social Reform At Ìbàdàn

§ x. THE OPIN WAR

¶2 AFTER the crushing defeat of the Ìlọrins at Òṣogbo and the Ìbàdàn ascendancy, the Ìlọrins ventured no more into the Ọ̀yọ́ provinces, except for the little help they endeavoured to give to the Ìbàdàns during the Batedo war, by attempting to besiege Ogbomgso, which ended disastrously for them. They appeared now to have recovered somewhat from their military depression, at least sufficiently to essay an aggressive warfare into the Efon districts.

¶3 A man called Esu, a native of Iyé, a town between Ilemoso and Eluku who had been a slave at Ìlọrin was redeemed by one Laleye for 12 heads of cowries ; the latter also redeemed one Oni for 25 heads of cowries, and gave her to him to wife. Egsu, however, turned out to be a ne’er do weel of a roving disposition, unfit for any trade. He left Ìlọrin and settled first at Egbe then at Itagi and finally at Isan, leading a predatory life in those regions, kidnapping peaceful traders, sparing none, and was particularly hard on the Ìlọrin traders. In that way he became a person of some importance in those parts; hence the Ìlọrins were now resolved upon capturing him alive.

¶4 Finding himself obnoxious to the Ìlọrins he hastily declared his allegiance to the Ìbàdàns their great antagonist. Through the assistance of Oluokun a distinguished Ìbàdàn gentleman residing at Ìlá, he received an introduction to the Baṣọ̀run of Ìbàdàn (then living) who received him cordially, and in dismissing him, gave him a war standard and commended him to the care of Yemaja his tutelary deity, Olúyọ̀lé being a very religious man in his own way. In his incursions Esu never forgot his patron, for during the Baṣọ̀run’s lifetime, he continually sent him slaves and booty taken in his raids. After the death of Olúyọ̀lé the Ìlọrins were resolved to besiege Esu at Opin where he then was.

¶5 Ali the brave Balogunof Ìlọrin was entrusted with this expedition. He sought the alliance of the Ìbàdàn chiefs, as the relation between Esu and Ìbàdàn was only a personal one with the late Bagruns; and besides, the Ìbàdàns were somewhat under an obligation to

¶6 Ìlọrin for assisting them in the futile siege of Ogbomoso during the late Batedo war, but as a matter of fact in order to forestall his opponent. Although any pretext however small was quite sufficient as an excuse for the Ìbàdàns to mobilize, yet in this case only a junior war-chief named Koloko with a small force was sent to represent the Ìbàdàns.

¶7 For three years Opin held out heroically and had nearly baffled the prowess of Ali when a sudden accident occurred which extinguished their hopes. Aganga Adoja a noble citizen was the hero of the town; one night Aganga was inspecting his magazine with a naked lamp in hand, when suddenly a terrific explosion was heard and the hopes of Opin with her heroic defender perished together in a moment.

¶8 Esu escaped to Isan, thence to Oye, and then to Ikole. These places were taken one after another as Esu was being pursued to be taken alive. He escaped finally to Omu IJjela, a place fortified by nature against primitive weapons of warfare. Situated on a high hill, and surrounded for a mile on all sides by a thorny hedge and thickets, it was impenetrable to the Ìlọrin horse. Ali died soon after Opin was taken and his body was conveyed to Ìlọrin for interment. The command of the army now devolved on Hinna-konu the Fulani Balógun, assisted by Alanamu the Yoruba Balógun of Ìlọrin.

¶9 After the capture of the above named towns the camp was broken up, and the Ìlọrin army as well as the Ìbàdàn contingent returned to their respective homes. Koloko of Ìbàdàn, however, did not reach home, but fell sick by the way and died at Òṣogbo.

§ 2. SUBJUGATION OF THE ÌJẸ̀ṢÀS

¶11 After the return home of the war-chiefs from the Opin expedition and all were now present at home, Chief Olugbode was regularly and formally installed into office as the Bále of Ìbàdàn. It was now his turn toconfer the principal titles on the war-chiefs. The important titles of Balógun, Ọ̀tún, Òsì, i.e., the commander-inchief, commander of the right and of the left, were vacant. As titles were sometimes given not to the most worthy but to the highest bidder, Ibikunle the Sẹ́rìkí was advised to bid for the title of Balógun; but he refused to do so with words which have become memorable, showing the character and quality of the man "A ki ifi owo du oye alagbara," i.e. the title of the valiant should never be contested with money. As the most worthy of his compeers, the title of Balógun was conferred upon him without a dissentient voice. The other titles followed in due course.

¶12 The Ìbàdàn army as now constituted being the instrument of raising the reputation of that military state to its highest pitch of fame, which was maintained for many years afterwards and has never been surpassed, the names of the principal leaders and their offices may here be given :—

¶13 Bále—Olugbode

¶14 Titles. Names. Titles. Names. Balógun Ibikunle Sẹ́rìkí Àjàyí Jegede Ọ̀tún Ògúnmọ́lá Asaju Madarikan Òsì . Osundina Ọ̀tún Bále Sumala Asipa Akere Òsì Bále Tubésun Ekerin Orowutsi Ajiya Bále Abayomi Ekarun Oyasawe Areagoro Balógun Aijéniku

¶15 Of these the first three and last two were exceptionally brave men. There was at this time in the Yoruba country a great increase in the population, a marvellous agricultural prosperity, and an abundant energy not always directed to useful purposes.

¶16 It was always the custom after conferring of titles especially that of Balógun to seize the first opportunity that offered to prove one’s fitness for the title; an opportunity was soon afforded for the purpose.

¶17 THE Ìjẹ̀bú ERE WAR

¶18 The Ìjẹ̀ṣàs of Hase and Ibokun reinforced from Ilẹ̀ṣà were at this time making incursions into the Òṣogbo farms. Òṣogbo being under the protection of Ìbàdàn, the Bále of Ìbàdàn therefore sent out his Balógun on his first expedition to punish Ilase for the raids.

¶19 On reaching Òṣogbo, the Ìbàdàn army marched direct to the Ilase farms, clearing the bush, ene wide paths and encamped by the Yawo stream.

¶20 But the expedition nearly collapsed before ever they came in sight of the enemy. A quarrel broke out between Orowisi the Ekerin and two of the Bále’s war-chiefs Ojo Orédna and Okunla, which nearly involved the whole camp. There appeared to be an old grudge between them and they clashed with each other when choosing sites for their tents. The Bále’s principal war-chiefs the Ọ̀tún and the Òsì took no part in the fight but their men did. Neither the Balógun nor Ògúnmọ́lá the Ọ̀tún could interfere without appearing to take sides and then the strife would be general.

¶21 Ògúnmọ́lá who was distinguished for his tact and diplomacy therefore sent to the Balógun that he should give orders for battle as if the Ìjẹ̀ṣàs were coming upon them. This was done. They marched out in order of battle, crossed the Yawo stream and opened fire upon an imaginary foe. They then sent a company of men to the camp to raise an alarm "The Ìjẹ̀ṣàs in sight." When therefore those rival chiefs heard the sound of musketry they left off fighting among themselves. The matter was amicably adjusted on the next day.

¶22 The Bále at home was informed of everything that transpired by a special messenger Oni by name (afterwards Josiah Oni) and he sent to pacify both parties.

¶23 For a whole year Ilase withstood the attacks of the Ìbàdàns. In order to raise the siege, the Ìjẹ̀ṣàs of Ibokun attacked the Ìbàdàn camp from the rear, but the Balógun had provided against this contingency. Ali the powerful Balógun of Ìwó was always left in the camp with a reserve force whenever they were engaged in battle. The Ibokuns were routed, driven back, and pursued right home, and the town was taken. The Ìbàdàns were now able to concentrate all their forces on Ilase. When Ilase could no longer hold out, their Ilega auxiliaries withdrew and the town was taken. The Ìbàdàns now left the camp at Yawo and pitched in a plain having the ruins of Ilase and Ibokun on one side, and on the other Esa Egure and Esa Olusopo. Olusopo and Mesin Oloja Oke surrendered through Oluokun of Ìbàdàn, a resident in those parts, and peace was concluded with them. From thence they removed to Ìjẹ̀bú Ere.

¶24 A large number of the people of Ilase escaped to Ìjẹ̀bú Ere. This was a large town, and a large force from Ilẹ̀ṣà the capital was sent to deferd it. The Ìbàdàn army was met at a considerable distance from the town. . Three severe engagements took place; at the third the Ìjẹ̀ṣàs were defeated and 160 of them made prisoners.

¶25 Ìjẹ̀bú Ere was now closely besieged. Being a large town, the Balógun divided the Ìbàdàn army into three parts; he encamped at Iwaye, and placed the Ọ̀tún at the Erinmoroad and the Sẹ́rìkí with all the Badas at the Efon Ayeroad. He intentionally left the Ilẹ̀ṣà road free as if to suggest a way of escape for them.

¶26 The Ìjẹ̀ṣàs made a desperate effort to carry the Iwaye camp, but found the Balógun too strong for them. Next they concentrated their attack on the camp at the Erinmoroad; thrice they attempted to carry it by assault, but they were repulsed. The Balógun thereupon left a few of his war-chiefs in the Iwaye road, took the Sẹ́rìkí’s place in the Efon Aye road, and sent him to reinforce the OOtun where the fight was now strongest.

¶27 The Ìbàdàns were then in the habit of using coloured or variegated umbrellas in the field as banners, and the Ìjẹ̀ṣà war-chiefs having then no umbrellas raised their broad sun hats upon a pole covering them with a red cloth, to serve the double purpose.

¶28 Opejin the chief of Ibokun, was one of the bravest defenders of this place.

¶29 Finding that the defenders continued stubborn, the Ìbàdàns began to kidnap on the only route left them, viz. the road to Ilega. The Ìjẹ̀ṣàs fearing that this also would be lost to them quietly deserted Ìjẹ̀bú Eré and escaped with the people of the town.

¶30 After they had clean gone the information was conveyed to the besiegers by a man left in shackles ; not a soul was found in the town when they entered. The principal chiefs remained there, but the juniors went in pursuit: they found many of the smaller towns had likewise been deserted.

¶31 At Erinmo a feeble resistance was made. About 200 men kept up fire from the forts ; this continued for some time, but they escaped, leaving two cripples who were good marksmen to keep up the show. When the town was attacked on all sides and the walls scaled then the Ìbàdàns found to their amazement that the town had been wholly deserted, and that the fire was kept up by only two cripples. They were brutally dragged down from the fort and slain ; the gates were then thrown open for their comrades to rush in. The Ìbàdàns continued their pursuit to Ome Erin where they found a few aged men and women, the able-bodied having fled away ; next to Erinta-dogun where a feeble resistance was made until night-fall when the men had an opportunity of making good their escape. Leaving Erinta-dogun they came to a place where three roads met, one leading to Ipindun, another to Akata, and the third to Ikeji. Those who took the way to Akata met all the women and children of the several towns and villages that were deserted, and they were all taken captives. But the section that took the way to Ikeji (which was four days distant from their base at Ìjẹ̀bú Ere) met with a disaster by an ambuscade and were nearly annihilated but for the timely aid of Ali of Ìwó and Jefriyin of Ìbàdàn. This disaster was subsequently avenged by the Ọ̀tún whom the Balógun sent to their assistance when the news reached him at the Ìjẹ̀bú Ere headquarters.

¶32 This expedition was termed Ìjẹ̀bú Ere because of the amount of mud and slush along the way from Ìjẹ̀bú to Ikeji the terminus of the present expedition.

¶33 The Ìjẹ̀ṣàs of Ilẹ̀ṣà the capital here surrendered to the Ìbàdàns bringing them presents of cowries, beads, etc., and also hostages. The people of Ogdtun put up a white flag at the appreach of th pursuers and surrendered to Osundina the Òsì. Igbara did the same and surrendered to Àjàyí Jegede the Sẹ́rìkí. Some of the minor chiefs who were not satisfied with what they got asked leave to make incursions in other directions ; they were allowed to do so.

¶34 Some met with good fortune, others with privations and terrible disasters from ambuscades. The wreck of this subsidiary expedition reached the camp at Ìjẹ̀bú Ere. Nine days after this the standard of the Ìbàdàn army wended its way homeward.

¶35 Before starting on this expedition the Ìbàdàns sent presents to the Horins, requesting their co-operation. The Ilorinarmy marched out, but on reaching Ọ̀tún it was reported to them that their old enemy Esu was encamped on a rock about a mile from Ọ̀tún. Knowing that he was sure to be attacked there, the principal war-chiefs of Ọ̀tún, against the protest of the Oworé their prince, admitted Esu into the town, and the Ìlọrins instead of joining their allies thereupon encamped against Ọ̀tún. But Ọ̀tún is a tributary town of Ìbàdàn, the Balógun and Ọ̀tún of Ìbàdàn therefore sent to remonstrate with the Ìlọrins for fighting with their friends when they were asked against their enemies. The reply was, "Not Ọ̀tún but Esu; we find our old enemy here, and we must not pass him by." The Ìlọrins, however could not take Ọ̀tún till the Ìjẹ̀bú Ere campaign was over. Àjàyí Jegede the Sẹ́rìkí, therefore asked permission to go to the help of his friend Esu at Ọ̀tún, and Lisibade the over-lord of Ọ̀tún did the same. Not only was permission granted, but the Balógun, Ọ̀tún, and each of the principal war-chiefs also sent a small detachment with him, about 3,000 strong to re-inforce the town. The rest of the Ìbàdàn army now returned home. Thus the whole of the Ìjẹ̀ṣàs were subdued by the Ìbàdàns.

§ 3. THE Frrst DAHOMIAN INVASION OF ABẸ́ÒKÚTA, A.D. 1851

¶37 The first Dahomian invasion of Abẹ́òkúta took place on Monday the 3rd of March, 1851, during the absence of the Ìbàdàns at the Ìjẹ̀bú Ere expedition. We have seen above Chap. XVI, § 2 what was the cause of their sworn hostility to Abẹ́òkúta.

¶38 Commander Forbes a British naval officer, and Mr. Beecroft, Her Britannic Majesty’s consul for the Bights of Benin and Biafra were at Abomey (the capital of Dahomey) when preparations were being made for the invasion of Abẹ́òkúta, and they communicated a full account of the same to the English Missionaries there with a view to forewarning the Ẹ̀gbá chiefs, while they themselves were exerting their good offices in dissuading the Dahomians from these periodic raids on their neighbours.

¶39 It was alleged by an eye-witness that as the troops were assembled in the market square, the leaders pledged themselves to their sovereign not to shrink before the foe, and exhibited what prowess they would display in the coming struggle. The leader of the Amazons demanded for her regiment the honour of leading the attack upon the ground that on previous expeditions they (the Amazons) had always carried the positions when the male regiments failed to do so. The arrangement was accordingly agreed upon.

¶40 But the Ẹ̀gbá chiefs were rather indifferent to the representations of the missionaries urging them to a vigorous preparation, except Sagbua the Alake and Ogunbona the Balógun of Ikija, who repaired the walls of the town in the direction of the main gate to Aro: the rest were left in a dilapidated condition.

¶41 When the Dahomians reached Isaga, a small town about 17 miles from Abẹ́òkúta, the people tendered their submission to them and whilst concluding terms of amity and friendship with them, they despatched private messengers to Abẹ́òkúta to apprise the chiefs of the situation. It was now too late for the Ẹ̀gbás to begin to repair their walls. The whole town was seized with panic and consternation, some fleeing to Osiele, some to Atadi, others going where they knew not. The women everywhere raised the cry of alarm "Elelé m’elé" (every man to his matchet), and hurried the men to the walls to watch the approach of the enemy. Fortunately for Abẹ́òkúta the Isaga people had induced the Dahomians to alter their plan of attack from a night to a noon day assault, and from the north west where the walls were in a dilapidated condition to the western gate where repairs had recently been executed ; and to this circumstance alone Abẹ́òkúta owed her safety; had they followed their original plan, nothing could have saved the town. Even as it was many eye-witnesses do aver that what contributed most to-their safety was confidence in the presence of the missionaries in the town. "The God of the white man "said they "is on our side." From this they derived moral coulage.

¶42 On that memorable Monday the Dahomians were descried advancing towards the Aré gate. Some of the Ẹ̀gbá chiefs went out to arrest their progress, but they could not withstand the force of those brave warriors. They were said to be advancing in the order of battle, marching steadily and solidly onward, ignoring the fire of the Ẹ̀gbás and paying no attention to those among themselves who fell, but kept marching stolidly onward. They never fired, but at the word of command, and when they did, their volleys were demoralizing. By this we can see that the Dahomian soldiers were disciplined troops such as the Ẹ̀gbás had never faced before. Those who went to arrest their progress fled precipitately and would not even stay to man the walls ; some of them never halted till they reached the Abetu stream within the town. The general idea that the Dahomians cared more for skulls than for captives and that the drinking cup each soldier carried in his knap-sack was a human skull added greatly to the dread entertained of them. But Ogunbona the Balógun of Ikija, and Sokenu the Sẹ́rìkí of Abẹ́òkúta displayed undaunted courage and bravery, opposing, the enemy with all their might.

¶43 The courage and noble deeds of the Ẹ̀gbá women on this occasion were beyond all praise, and demand our special notice. But for them some of the men who were cowardly would have fied before the enemy. In the thick of the fight, with bullets flying right and left the Ẹ̀gbá women could be seen in the ranks of the fighting men with water, mashed eko (a cooling drink), refreshments and encouragements, so that they need not fall to the rear for anything but continue the fight. Some of the missionaries were also there encouraging them by their presence, and doing what they could for the wounded.

¶44 Notwithstanding all this the trench around the town wall being full of dead bodies, the Dahomians were actually scaling the walls. Some of them with one hand cut off would hold on with the other or with the stump with grim determination in their faces; they kept pressing on, and a few did actually get into the town.

¶45 Up to this time the Ẹ̀gbás did not know that they were fighting with women. Following the barbarous custom of the age, it was customary to send as a trophy to the chief ruler of the town, the head and the private parts of the first enemy caught in warfare ; when those who actually entered the town were caught and slain, and the trophy was to be sent, then the Ẹ̀gbás knew that these terrible fighters were the Amazons!

¶46 Immediately the news spread among all ranks that they have been fighting with women, and tor very shame all the Ẹ̀gbá men were exasperated beyond measure and rushed upon them with one accord and compelled them to retreat. The Dahomians left thousands dead behind the walls of Abẹ́òkúta.

¶47 The Ẹ̀gbás thought they only retreated to prepare for a more vigorous attack the next day, and they also went to prepare for a more determined resistance; but the Dahomians were already on their homeward march, they were not accustomed to lay siege or repeat an assault ; if an assault failed they retreated altogether to renew it at another time. They were determined to punish the Isaga people for their treacherous conduct towards them. The Ẹ̀gbás, finding that the attack was not renewed the next day, followed in pursuit and met them at Isaga, the chiefs of which were just then apologizing and defending their conduct. The battle fought here was said to have been more fierce than that before the walls of Abẹ́òkúta. The Ẹ̀gbás contemned the idea of being attacked by women hence the furious onslaught they made at them.

¶48 The Dahomians left more dead behind them than the captives they succeeded in taking away, including the skulls of the unfortunate victims caught in the farms.

¶49 Soon after the invasion, on the 16th of May, 1851, the Rev. D. Hinderer, a German missionary of the C.M.S., who was then labouring at Abẹ́òkúta and witnessed the attack, obtained permission from Sokenu and the other chiefs to carry the gospel to Ìbàdàn. At this period, none of the surrounding tribes was at peace with Ìbàdàn. The Ìjẹ̀bús especially were kidnapping on the roads, and one had to reach the town by a circuitous route of four instead of two days from Abẹ́òkúta. Caravans to Ìjàyè and Ìbàdàn were under escorts up to a certain point, and the Rev. D. Hinderer was obliged to risk the rest of the journey by himself when the escorts could proceed no further for fear of Ìjẹ̀bú kidnappers.

¶50 The Rev. D. Hinderer was received kindly by the Baleand the other leading chiefs of Ìbàdàn. When he told them the object of his visit, the five leading chiefs, viz., the Bále, Balógun, Ọ̀tún, Òsì, and an elderly chief Lanoso by name, in whose house he was lodged, held consultation whether they should receive the white man and the message he brought or not. Osundina the Òsì a staunch Moslem raised great objections, evidently on religious grounds; he stoutly opposed his stay amongst them. Said he "Awon obaiye je ni iwonyi." (These are the world spoilers), "There is no country they enter but misfortune will follow for that place." Ògúnmọ́lá the Ọ̀tún said: "But white men are at Lagos, Badagry, and Abẹ́òkúta; why should we refuse him? We are not the first nor shall we be the last to receive them, and whatever be the consequence to others let the same be to us also." Ibikunle the Balógun suggested that the national god Ifá should be consulted, and if Ifá prognosticated evil let the white man be ordered out of the town at once; but if favourable, let him be received. These five chiefs accordingly repaired to the Ogboni house at the Ibasorun market and consulted the brazen Ifá which is the national god. The omen was favourable and Mr. Hinderer was accorded a cordial welcome and well entertained. A place of residence was assigned to him, the house of the late Chief Ogidi, and he was placed under the special care of chief Abayomi the Ajiya Bále the head chief of that part of the town through whom he could always approach the chiefs in council ; and hein turn entrusted him to Olumiloyo his Balógun whose house was not far from the mission premises.

¶51 Mr. Hinderer remained five months at Ìbàdàn on this his first visit, preaching and teaching and making general observation on the place as a field of missionary enterprise. He then returned to England to recruit his health and to prepare for a permanent stay there.

§ 4. THE ARA WAR AND RELIEF OF Ọ̀TÚN

¶53 Ara is a town of considerable importance in the Èkìtì country.

¶54 This expedition was named after it, although Ara was not the primary objective when the Ìbàdàn standard left home, but it was the last important place taken before the Ìbàdàns returned home. _ We have seen above that the Ìbàdàns invited the Ìlọrins to the Ìjẹ̀bú Ere expedition and that the Iorins instead of joining them as allies encamped against Ọ̀tún a tributary state of Ìbàdàn because of Esu their inveterate enemy ; and at the close of the campaign, certain Ìbàdàn war-chiefs who were interested in Esu or the town of Ọ̀tún obtained leave to go to the assistance of their friends.

¶55 Now, although the Ìlọrins failed to conquer the defenders, and they could not drive the Ìlọrins away, yet by overpowering numbers, Ọ̀tún was closely invested and famine began to do its dreadful work within the town; therefore the Ìbàdàn contingent there sent home to ask for a larger relieving force, and "if possible, let the Balógun himself come."

¶56 The Ìbàdàn army was once more on the march to the Ekiticountry for the relief of Ọ̀tún, but other complications occurred which diverted their attention from Ọ̀tún.

¶57 Prior to this expedition the Alara (or king of Ara) had been deposed by his people for stealing and selling their children ; the poor victims were bound and conveyed out of the town in hampers of cotton. The Alara appealed to the Ìbàdàn chiefs at Ọ̀tún for their kind offices and they composed the difference between king and people and reinstated the former, the people yielding more from fear of the consequences a refusal might entail.

¶58 But about a year after, he was deposed again for his atrocities and he escaped again to the Ìbàdàn chiefs at Ọ̀tún. By this time the Balógun of Ìbàdàn and his hosts were on the way to the relief of Ọ̀tún, the chiefs therefore sent their messengers along with the Alara to meet the Balogunat Igbajototellhisowntale Thence the Balógun and the principal war-chiefs sent special messengers with the Alara once more to compose the difference between him and his people and to reinstate him. He was accepted with very great reluctance, more from fear of the Ìbàdàns than otherwise.

¶59 This ended the first act in the tragedy which sealed the fate of

¶60 Ara. Up to this point there was not the slightest intention of destroying the town.

¶61 The Ìbàdàn expedition left Igbájọ for the I]4 farms and everything having been eaten up far and near except the farms at Koro, the war chiefs after consultation sent special messengers to the Ajero of Ijero the paramount chief of Koro for permission to forage in the Koro farms. The Ajero replied "The Koros are wild boys: a yam may cost you a human head." The Ìbàdàns felt insulted at this reply and sent back to the Ajero to say "We only applied out of courtesy, and if our peaceful overtures are not complied with, two ‘ wild boys’ will meet in the field within three days, and, therefore, all Yoruba (Ọ̀yọ́) residents at Ijero should leave the town at once."

¶62 The Ajero called together the Ọ̀yọ́ residents in his town and had the message repeated in their ears, then he said to them "You may go now, but you need not go far, you can wait at Ara or Eriwo until the Koros have driven away this Ìbàdàn army, then you can come back." So confident was he of the strength of the Koros. The Ọ̀yọ́ residents accordingly left the town.

¶63 The Ìbàdàns now wended their way to Koro and the Koros about 2,000 strong came out to meet them on their frontier at’a place called Ita Oniyan. The Ìbàdàns were marching according to their ranks, the Balógun and Asipa being in the rear, and the junior war-chiefs in front, but the Koros had lain in ambush and the Ìbàdàns walked into it ; suddenly they fell upon the Balógun's and the Asipa’s ranks, but in both places they were utterly defeated with great slaughter. The Ìbàdàns advanced to the river Oyi, the scene of the next fight ; the Koros met them here, and again they were defeated. The Ìbàdàns advanced to Yawo a place not far from the town, and here the Koros made a stand. The Ajero their paramount chief now got alarmed and hastened to their assistance. He applied to the Ìlọrins before Ọ̀tún, for help, and the Ìlọrins whose sole policy was to help one set of Pagans against another until they had weakened each and both fall a prey to them, lost no time in sending two war-chiefs Adedeji and Magoébon with horse and men to help the Koros. The Ajero sent also to all the towns in his territory including Efon and Ara to come to their help and save Koro the strongest town in their district which now seemed doomed to destruction.

¶64 Ara alone refused to comply; the Aldara said he had just been re-instated by the Ìbàdàns, and he could not take up arms against them. But the men of Ara were angry with their king’s decision, they were all for going to the help of their kinsmen against the "Ọ̀yọ́s "at once took his gun and shot him down dead on the spot. Being now discovered, they took to their heels and were pursued and many were caught, but a few swift-footed escaped. Another company which took another route likewise was discovered and captured.

¶65 But Adedeji the other leader remained at Koro being afraid to run the risk: the Ìbàdàns therefore offered him protection if he would commit himself unreservedly to their clemency ; he did so (there being no alternative) and was allowed to come to the Ìbàdàn camp. He remained there a few hours; he and his men were well entertained, and were sent away in peace. Even a hatchet one of them left behind at the Ìbàdàn camp in their haste to get away the chiefs sent to them in the Ọ̀tún camp.

¶66 This noble deed of the Ìbàdàns so put the Ìlọrin general to shame that he negotiated peace with the Ìbàdàns and raised the siege of Ọ̀tún.

¶67 The siege of Ọ̀tún being raised, the Ìbàdàn contingent there together with Esu whom they went to defend were now able to join the Ìbàdàn army at Koro; the "bad boys" were finally beaten and the town fell. Ijero the chief town of the district, and three other towns also which assisted them were taken, Oro surrendered and was placed under tribute but Ara held out for two years, being well defended by the powerful chief Lejofi.

¶68 Finding further resistance useless Ara now surrendered and brought presents to the camp, and an armistice was concluded. On account of their past conduct, and the useless waste of life occasioned, the Ìbàdàns while accepting the presents imposed two conditions upon them :—

¶69 1. That they should recall their king from Ahayé.

¶70 2. That all the Ara chiefs with Lejofi at their head should come and meet him in the camp so that they might have the opportunity of hearing both sides, and adjust matters between them.

¶71 The Ara chiefs thought this was a stratagem to get them all into their power for capital punishment. They sent for the Alara into the camp but the chiefs declined to venture themselves there : they offered to pay whatever fines might be imposed on them.

¶72 Then another proposal was made, if they would not come then let them send them their fighting men and a guide to Igédé in the Ado territory. Neither would they comply with this but they begged to be subjected to whatever fines they pleased and to be placed under tribute, and they would serve them.

¶73 The armistice was now declared at an end, and fighting resumed, till the Balógun at length forced his way into the town by an assault, and Ara was taken.

¶74 The scene that followed showed how courageous and stouthearted the Ara people were. A band of about 1,600 young men choosing death rather than slavery put the muzzle of their loaded guns in their mouth, pulled the trigger with their great toe and shattered their brains to pieces.

¶75 The great and wealthy Lejofi, inorder that the Ibadansmight not profit at all by his wealth, destroyed all his valuables, with his store of provisions, cutting the yams into bits and strewing them all over the yard (provisions being so scarce for this great host). Then two of his wives were killed to be his attendants in the other world, and himself with his own jacknife cut his own throat. His eldest son met him weltering in his blood, life not extinct, being unable to complete the deed; he, therefore put an end to his father’s agonies, loaded the gun afresh and shattered his own brains!

¶76 A man from Oke Mesin, Ladojude by name, whose brother had been killed by Lejofi came to avenge his brother’s death upon the corpse. He kindled a fire from wood obtained in Lejofi’s own house, threw his body into it and burnt it.

¶77 Thus ended the Ard campaign, as it was called, in 1854 and the Ìbàdàn army returned home triumphantly.

¶78 Esu who was relieved and was the indirect cause of this campaign, did not go home with them, neither stopped in the vicinity any longer, but penetrated further into the Yagba country and there established himself.

§ 5. RAIDS BY THE MINOR ÌBÀDÀN CHIEFS

¶80 The subjugation of the Èkìtìs, including the Ìjẹ̀ṣàs, Efons and others, may now be said to be complete, but the process seems to have reacted to the demoralization of the Ìbàdàn war-chiefs and others. Slave-raiding now became a trade to many who would get rich speedily, and hence those who felt themselves unlucky in one expedition, and others who quickly spent their illgotten gains in debauchery and all excesses would band together for a raiding expedition on those minor places that have hitherto escaped the misfortunes of war. A brief notice will be taken of some of them.

¶81 Ayorinde.—Chief Ayorinde did not return home with the army after the destruction of Ara, but went on first to Isan with Esu; thence they went against the Adés, whom they conquered, and then he returned with his hands full.

¶82 Intoxicated with pleasure at his own success, he was lavish in his enjoyments and out-stepped the bounds of moderation.

¶83 He offered a thanksgiving sacrifice to his Ori (god of good fortune). About the same time for an alleged offence he flogged one of his wives to death. For this he was brought under the power of the civil authorities, and was told to die. It must be remembered that a private individual would be executed at once for murder, but a chief must commit suicide by any method he may prefer, for if executed publicly his house would be demolished and his family ruined.

¶84 But Ayorinde begged hard for his life. He surrendered nearly all he had to no purpose ; then Chief Ògúnmọ́lá his patron advised him privately to leave the town speedily and go into voluntary exile to those regions he lately came from, for even he could not save him from the penalties of the law.

¶85 Ayorinde left Ìbàdàn secretly with only 12 followers out of all he brought back with him! When his escape became known he was hotly pursued and narrowly escaped with his life. He went back to Esu with a tale of woe, and located him in a place called Irian, and there he remained and organized a band of marauders and ravaged all those regions till he encamped against a place of some importance named Ogbagi. He was here for fully 11 years with varied fortune. Adoyan Okorigi a great and powerful warrior came to the help of Ogbagi and Ayorinde was just on the point of being defeated when by a skilful move he took Okorigi in the rear and inflicted on him a crushing defeat and slew him.

¶86 Next the Ogbagis obtained help from Rabbah and Ìlọrin. Sinabu King. Masaba’s son and Hinakonu the Fulani Balógun of Ìlọrin came against him; thrice was Ayorinde routed, and many of his fighting men speared, but he rallied again and maintained his ground. Ogbagi was at length taken. Ayorinde became lord of the Akokos and Ido Ani. He opened a caravan’ way to Owd through which he obtained ammunition from Benin. He was kind to all Ọ̀yọ́s, who flocked to his standard; every one could enjoy himself to any extent he liked but he absolutely forbade the introduction of intoxicating liquor into that country. They might buy whatever they liked with their slaves and booty. He himself undertook to supply all ammunition required for their. raids. But no one must think of deserting him ; in order to ensure this, he posted men in all the exits of his territory: any Ọ̀yọ́ caught escaping lost all he had and returned home as he came ; but any Èkìtìs or Ìlás similarly caught were seized with their slaves and sold to Owo.

¶87 At last after many years as old age approached Ayorinde longed for home. But he knew that he would not be allowed by the people of Irun, who befriended him all these years, to depart with all his effects to Ìbàdàn, so he manufactured a quarrel with them, and captured Irun the headquarters of all his expeditions and destroyed the place. In spite of all this precaution not one tenth of his slaves returned with him to Ìbàdàn.

¶88 Ayorinde returned to Ìbàdàn in 1872 after a very long absence, Nearly all the chiefs he left and the whole of his compeers had died out. He met at the head of the government subordinate chiefs, who had risen into power during his absence, and to his mortification he had to submit to them. He was, however, honoured with the title of Òsì, but he did not hold it long; he died in the following year.

¶89 Abayomi.—Abayomi the Ajiya Bále with Olumiloyo his Balógun got up an expedition to relieve Isé a tributary town of his in the Èkìtì country. He met Ayorinde at the siege of Ogbagi but he passed off and encamped against Agbadé. The town was soon taken and he had an immense number of captives and booty. From hence he was proceeding to the relief of Isé. But the captured town Agbado being in the territory of Ado, the Balógun of the king of Ado was sent to intercept him; an ambush was laid for him, and he was hemmed in on every side. He had to fight his way to Isé, and lost all he had taken, and what was more he left behind him some of his best fighting men including two of his powerful slaves and Olumiloyo his Balógun. He arrived at Isé with the wreck of his army and returned to Ìbàdàn in a worse condition than he left. This was in the year 1857. It will be remembered that Olumiloyo was the chief who had direct supervision of the missionaries at Ìbàdàn. Readers of "Seventeen years in the Yoruba country "(Life of Anna Hinderer) will find frequent mention of the name of this chief and how kind and friendly he was to the missionaries. He gave Mr. and Mrs. Hinderer two of his children a boy and a girl to train, in which he showed himself more enlightened than the superior chiefs. The boy was trained first by these good missionaries themselves: subsequently at the C.M.S. Training Institution at Abẹ́òkúta, then he was employed as a schoolmaster, Mr. Hinderer himself continuing his education. Later he was employed as a catechist in 1885, and finally as an ordained missionary of the C.M.S. at Ogbomoso in 1892, where he is still labouring.

¶90 Ajobo and the Badas.—While the sieges of Ogbagi and of Agbado were going on, all the Badas of Ìbàdàn headed by Ajobo the senior Bada got up an expedition against Pakunde. All the Efon, Ìjẹ̀ṣà, and Akoko territories had now become a field for slave hunting for any number of men who could band themselves together for an expedition.

¶91 The Badas at first meant to take the place by stratagem, encamping outside the walls, professing friendship and asking for a guide to Ogbagi to meet Esu. But the men of Pakunde were too wideawake, and so when strategy failed, hard fighting was resorted to.

¶92 But it was reported at Ìbàdàn that these Badas meant to establish themselves there after the capture of Pakunde and not to return home. This would eventually mean the loss of all the tributary towns to Ìbàdàn; consequently Chief Ògúnmọ́lá of Ìbàdàn sent to all the surrounding kings and chiefs subject to Ìbàdàn not to let Pakunde be taken. The town was almost on the eve of falling when tidings reached the camp that all the men sent to procure provisions at Ikole, Ado, Oye, Odo Ìjẹ̀ṣà, Ikoyi had been seized and either slain or sold into slavery! This was a blow to the Badas. In whatever direction they sent to procure food, they could not get any and no farms were near them for foraging. Being in a strait, the camp was broken up in the night and they made for home. Their guide took them by a way between Ikole on the left and Omwo in the right; the Ikoles waylaid them and they had to fight their way through. At Omi Ijelu whilst they were satisfying the cravings of hunger in the farms, the men of the town fell upon them and killed many with poisoned arrows. At Aiyede, a town built by Esu they were not allowed to forage in the farms. So by forced marches, and in a starved condition the wreck of Ajobo’s army arrived at Ìbàdàn.

§ 6. SOCIAL REFORMS.

¶94 The Present Condition of Slaves.—Ìbàdàn had by this time been greatly augmented, not only by immigrants from the provinces and elsewhere who repaired there as affording a safer place of abode, but also by the thousands of slaves brought in annually. It had now become necessary to crystallize into law a custom that had gradually grown amongst the chiefs and people generally, who had thousands of them in hand.

¶95 Except under especially pressing circumstances the chiefs do not now sell their slaves or rather captives of war excepting the old and infirm and that chiefly to procure arms and ammunition. The able-bodied men are kept and trained as soldiers, and it has become the law and custom that soldier-slaves are never to be sold under any circumstances; they are to remain permanently as members of the house. The fair young women are added to the harems by the great, and young men save themselves the expenses of a dowry by making wives of any that come into their hands.

¶96 Any slave-woman taken as a wife becomes ipso facto a free woman. All the rest are sent into the farms, each to be employed in his or her own line of work. The chiefs had large farms and farm houses containing from a hundred to over a thousand souls. The men are engaged in clearing the bush, cultivating the soil, cutting palm nuts and doing other male work; the women in making palm oil, nut oil, soap, weaving mats, rearing poultry and the smaller cattle, cultivating kitchen vegetables of all kinds for the weekly markets and the fairs; older women in preparing and spinning cotton, shelling palm nuts, etc. All are engaged as "hands "in time of harvest.

¶97 These extensive plantations not only support their huge establishments but also supply the markets, so that a military state though Ìbàdàn was, food was actually cheaper there than in many other towns.

¶98 The male slaves had wives given them by their masters from among the slave women, whomsoever they may choose, or if their choice lay elsewhere, the master would redeem any woman for them. Their offspring are home-born slaves, belonging to the master ; their condition is hardly different from that of the freeborn, all grow together as children of the house. Thus by slave-raiding and procreation the great houses are enlarged and the population of the town increased.

¶99 Well-to-do women in the town also buy slaves of both sexes, their offspring belong to them in the same way as the parents themselves, but barring exceptional cases of distress occasioning the ruin of the house they are never to be sold.

¶100 Of the slaves who are kept as soldiers, some are selected as bodyguards or personal attendants; these are provided for in every way by the master. The rest follow their own avocation and provide for themselves ; their services are only required in time of war. If the slave is successful in war and catches several slaves, he is to surrender them to his master; a kind master will return him one or two fifths for his own purpose and keep the rest. An unkind master will keep all, as the service he has rendered him is his duty. Some masters would give money as consolation from the proceeds of any of the slaves he may sell. Any of these slaves is at liberty to procure his own freedom at any time. A wise one, who has captured one or two slaves in war, gives them back to his master in the presence of witnesses in lieu of himself, and thereby his ransom is paid; he is free now to go any where he likes. Those who wish to remain permanently with the master nevertheless remove to a friend’s house for a short time and in that way publicly make known their freedom;

¶101 and then they may return to the master’s house, and serve under him in war as freeborn soldiers and in that case give to their master as any other freeborn does one or two captives as the case may be and appropriate the rest. They are protected by the law as any freeborn citizen.

¶102 Others who consider themselves free and safe under the protection of a great name, as slaves of a powerful chief, will squander whatever they may have in hope of replenishing their stock at the next opportunity.

¶103 Freeborn soldiers who are independent give to their captain a proportion of 1 or 2 out of 5 and appropriate the rest ; but if he is an idle fellow and dependent on his captain for everything, including his war accoutrements and his debts, he has to give up more than a half or nearly all of what he captured.

¶104 Highly Placed Servants.—At this period the chiefs were in the habit of installing favourite slaves into a position of trust and responsibility especially if they were brave and energetic and proved themselves worthy of trust. These keep horses of their own, farms and farm-houses, have harems, a drummer and fifer, etc. Young slaves and recruits are placed under them to be trained for war. At the return of every expedition a fourth or a fifth of the captives taken are given to the master; they appropriate the rest. They are generally more richly dressed and make more show than their lord. Whatever the misfortunes of the house these of course are never sold: they remain the guardians of the house and of their master’ssons. Their children may be considered as home born slaves, but practically are indistinguishable from freeborn children. These servants are "slaves" only in name for want of a better term. These customs originating at Ìbàdàn have been followed by all the Ọ̀yọ́ states throughout. The more of these highly placed servants a chief has, the greater he is held to be.

¶105 The Law of Inheritance.—Hitherto when a man dies all his effects are inherited by his brother or brothers in succession until the turn of the eldest son comes, then he gets whatever may remain of what was once his father’s, but in most cases, he gets nothing at all. It has happened within the experience of the chiefs that whilst one is toiling and saving, some brothers are idle and dissolute, and yet at his death, the idle and dissolute will step in and squander all he has saved, leaving his children to welter in poverty and want. .

¶106 At a deliberative council held in the year 1858 it was proposed to alter this custom. For whom is a man toiling and saving? The answer comes naturally "For his children." Why then should a brother displace one’s children in the succession? If the children are minors the uncle may act for them until they are of age, otherwise the eldest surviving issue of the founder of a house must succeed as the head of the house in rotation until it comes to the turn of the children of the next generation. This is not like the English law of primogeniture in which only the eldest sons succeed, but it is the eldest surviving issue of the founder of a house that succeeds, until the turn of the eldest son of the first successor comes round.

¶107 But the members of the family are not totally overlooked. At . the time of the succession the personal effects are distributed amongst the nearest relatives, every one having a share of the clothes, slaves, money, etc., but the house, inalienable slaves, principal farms, in a word, the real property, and all that goes to make the house what it is, are never to be alienated. These are assigned to the eldest surviving son and successor.

¶108 Every house is under the protection of a chief, a chief’s house is under the protection of the paramount chief or the town council and these will see about the installation of the successor. In a great house, the highly placed servants will be in charge to train and direct their young master in the ways of his father.

¶109 These resolutions were communicated to the ALÁÀFIN of Ọ̀yọ́ for his approval, and he not only approved but adopted the same for all Ọ̀yọ́ states, and moreover he adopted the same for the Crown also. He ruled thereupon that the custom that has arisen during the degenerate times of Old Ọ̀yọ́ that the Aremo (Crown Prince) die with his father should cease and the earlier custom reverted to. He wished his eldest son ADELU to succeed him, and after him the eldest surviving issue of the house as seems fit to the King Makers.

¶110 In the year 1858 Ìbàdàn was so thickly populated that it was found necessary to extend the town walls. The new wall was known as Odi Ibikunle (Ibikunle’s town wall) after the Balógun, as it was he who suggested, planned and superintended the carrying out of the work. This is the present town wali.

¶111 Ògúnmọ́lá also suggested that Ìbàdàn should have what is known as "Igbo Ile," i.e. home forest, the thick bush surrounding every town in the Yoruba country, which may be exposed to raids and sieges. But the Ìbàdàns did not care for any such thing and it could not be carried into effect, for they had no one to fear. The annual bush fires were allowed to nullify Ògúnmọ́lá’s suggestion.