Chapter 20. The Closing And The Opening Careers Of Two Heroes

§ 1. ÒGÚNMỌ́LÁ’S ADMINISTRATION

¶2 THE attention of the Ìbàdàns was now turned to home affairs, vacancies among the chiefs had to be filled up, and new titles conferred. The first to be conferred was, of course, that of the head of the town as he it is who has to arrange for the others.

¶3 It was known that if the Balógun had returned home in good health, he would have negotiated for the title of Kakanfò, as he was the conqueror of the late Kakanfò, and being a native of Ogbomagsg, was said to be related to a former Kakanfò of that place. But when his fatal illness supervened it is said that hopes were fixed on the venerable Sumala the Ọ̀tún Bále for the title of Bále on their return home, but Sumala was caught and killed at the retreat from Iperu. Ògúnmọ́lá now found himself the undisputed head of the town. He declined the title of Bále alleging it was an effeminate title, for Báles do not go to war, and so many brave men having perished at the war, Ìbàdàn would lose her military prestige by his retiring so early from active life. But he might have negotiated for the title of Kakanfò now vacant. That is a military title par excellence, but his vaulting ambition aimed higher than that, he usurped the title of Baṣọ̀run notwithstanding that Gbenla the first Baṣọ̀run of the present Ọ̀yọ́ was still alive, and there can be but one Baṣọ̀run of the kingdom.

¶4 The Baṣọ̀run is a prince of Ọ̀yọ́ and the title hereditary, but this impudent upstart who found himself temporarily entrusted with the great force of Ìbàdàn was a native of an Ìwó village a provincial of a rough type. He demanded that His Supernal Highness Gbenla should make way for him.

¶5 The ALÁÀFIN, however, was up to the occasion. He agreed to confer on him the title of Baṣọ̀run pro causa honoris in recognition of his services at the Ìjàyè war. He was firmly against the demand for the death of his aged Baṣọ̀run. The times said he, demand that such should be the case, Gbenla must remain the Baṣọ̀run of the kingdom with his official duties to perform at Ọ̀yọ́, but Ògúnmọ́lá may be a provincial Baṣọ̀run as a special reward for services done.

¶6 Ògúnmọ́lá having been installed in office demanded His Highness

¶7 Gbenla’s "chain of office "(represented by the beads round his neck), and his Wabi (a specially ornamented hide on which only the Baṣọ̀run sits). The ALÁÀFIN sent him both and consoled his chief minister by giving him others and begged him not to mind the insult, nor commit suicide out of grief, as he was inclined to do. He further sent to tell Ògúnmọ́lá that he might have all he wanted but he was not to demand the death of the Baṣọ̀run any more, as he the King willed that there should be two Baṣọ̀runs at this time, one in the city and the other in the province.

¶8 It may here be mentioned that 7 years before this event, that is before the Ìjàyè war, the town of Ìbàdàn was one day startled by the report that Ògúnmọ́lá (then Ọ̀tún Balógun) whilst divining with his Ifá, was told by the priest that he would attain to the title of Baṣọ̀run before his death! What seemed then to be-an utter improbability now became a realized fact.

¶9 The Baṣọ̀run’s next duty was to confer titles on his chiefs, the more important of them were the following :—

¶10 Akere the Asipa became the Balógun.

¶11 Tubosun the Òsì Bále his old colleague and supporter, the Ọ̀tún Balógun.

¶12 Abayomi the Ajiya Bále, who distinguished himself so much before Ìjàyè and at the Ìjẹ̀bú road, the Òsì. ;

¶13 Oréwisi, who afterwards became better known, the Asipa.

¶14 Ali Laluwoye, brother of the late Osundina, the Ekerin.

¶15 Ajobo, the head of the Badas, the Sẹ́rìkí.

¶16 Latosisa, who afterwards became famous, the Ọ̀tún Sẹ́rìkí.

¶17 Tahajd, was made the Sarumi.

¶18 Soderinde, a distinguished horseman, the "Balógun Sarumi.

¶19 These names were given and we-shall come across every one of them again in the course of this history.

¶20 Some Ọ̀yọ́ titles were now introduced to satisfy distinguished men who were for some reason or other passed over, but who could not accept subordinate titles, in the same way as the Asipa had been introduced for one who failed to get the Ọ̀tún or Òsì. Aijenku negotiated for and obtained the title of FowokO.

¶21 Omoteji took the Ẹ̀ṣọ́ title of Gbonka.

¶22 Ojokofo that of Owdta. These purely Ọ̀yọ́ titles were for the first time introduced into Ìbàdàn.

¶23 According to merit the man who by far was probably the fittest person for the title of Balógun was the redoubtable Aijenku the Areagoro or alter ego of the late Balógun Ibikunle—the man who alone withstood the whole force of the Ẹ̀gbás at Taye when he was left with the Balógun in charge of the camp at the storming of Iwawun by Ògúnmọ́lá and subordinate chiefs. But Aijenku failed-in his duty to protect his chief at the retreat from Iperu. - Akere on that occasion performed the duty that was his and, therefore, obtained his reward. Ibikunle before his death was said to have bequeathed the title to him.

¶24 This offence’ might probably have been pardoned and an opportunity given him to retrieve his good name by prowess in the field for the public benefit; but the secret underlying this treatment of him was, that after the death of Olúyọ̀lé the first Baṣọ̀run of Ìbàdàn, who tyrannized over his chiefs so mercilessly, subjecting them to his cutting wit, the Ìbàdàns were resolved never to give the higher titles to any Ọ̀yọ́s of the pure type, i.e. one born in the ancient capital or in the Metropolitan province. - They far excel the southerners in astuteness and diplomacy and rather look down on them, Ibolos and Epos being preferred. Aijenku moreover, was one of Olúyọ̀lé’s household officers and was said to be of an irritable disposition and inflammable temper. There was every probability of his emulating his old master.

¶25 And besides this, he was one of the original settlers; he was one of those who "entered the town on horseback "showing that unlike most of the present chiefs he was never at any time a common soldier, and he never ceased to rebuke or educate the men of another generation in the light of former day experience, which goes the wrong way with them. Having been passed over he negotiated for and obtained the title of Fowokd a lieutenant of the Kakanfò.

¶26 After enjoying a short period of rest, attending to home affairs, Ògúnmọ́lá now turned his attention abroad. In communication with the Governor (Glover) of Lagos, he effected the opening of the road to Lagos via Remo for intercourse with the interior.

¶27 He now thought of avenging all the insults offered to the Ìbàdàns, by some of the provincial kings, which could not have been done before this without unnecessarily multiplying enemies against themselves. Foremost amongst them was the Aseyin who was fond of extemporising epigrams and ditties directed against Ìbàdàn in parabolic songs and dances, and who received him as a subject on his way to Iwawun. Now, as a Baṣọ̀run takes precedence of all provincial kings, Ògúnmọ́lá summoned the Aseyin to Ìbàdàn. He came attended by his principal chiefs and Prince Okanlawon. On their arrival they met all the Ìbàdàn chiefs at the Baṣọ̀run’s in full council. It was now the Baṣọ̀run’s turn to lord it over him. He at once ordered him to do homage; this he did by running backwards and forwards to the street three times, putting earth on his head, and prostrating each time before the

¶28 Baṣọ̀run, performing acts of humiliation. His life being also threatened, he had to beg hard for it, and some of the chiefs who were friendly to him interposed on his behalf and he was pardoned.

¶29 Ògúnmọ́lá having thus satisfied his vanity afterwards treated him kindly, and sent him away loaded with presents. Being in part friendly to Kuriimi of Ìjàyè, he could not have been sincere in his loyalty to the ALÁÀFIN his liege lord during the war, but he would sooner entrust himself into the hands of the rough Ìbàdàns, who would at any rate have some regard for the person of a king, than into the hands of his Suzerain at Ọ̀yọ́; he, therefore, took a bush path to Ìbàdàn and back, and on his return home he extemporized a ditty in his dances, congratulating himself on his safe return thus :—

¶30 "Kaka ki Arému ba ti Ọ̀yọ́ lo si Ìbàdàn, Bi o je odun meta Aremu a sun igbe."

¶31 Rather than to go by Ọ̀yọ́ to Ìbàdàn, If it takes Aremu three years, he will sleep in the bush.

§2. THE IGBÁJỌ CAMPAIGN

¶33 About this time there was a civil commotion at Ilẹ̀ṣà; the then OOdole, one of the ministers of the Ọwá being a man of power and influence was in great favour with his master, practically holding the reins of government; without his fiat nothing could be done at Ilẹ̀ṣà.

¶34 The Ìjẹ̀ṣà chiefs about this time were resolved to declare war against Igbájọ, a frontier town of a composite nationality (as its name implies) not far from Ìkirun, because of their sympathies with Ìbàdàn; but the Odole, a wise and far-seeing man, was opposed to that measure, fearing the consequences it may entail. The other chiefs said they were not going to stoop to him any longer, and in spite of him they declared war against Igbájọ.

¶35 The Ìjẹ̀ṣà standard of war left the town with all their mighty men under the leadership of the Lokiran, Lejoka, Isihikin with the Loro at their head; thus they laid siege against Igbájọ.

¶36 The Ìjẹ̀ṣàs of Ilẹ̀ṣà were never on good terms with the Ìbàdàns since the late Ìjẹ̀bú Ere and the Ara expeditions and their movements at this time were being closely watched at Ìbàdàn. But several wild Ìjẹ̀ṣà boys had come of their own accord to reside at Ìbàdàn being driven out of the town by chief Odole for their wild and lawless habits; these preferring the unrestrained life at Ìbàdàn, distributed themselves under the principal chiefs Ibikunle, Ògúnmọ́lá, Osundina and others, and fought for them in all their expeditions. The most notable amongst them were Omole, Ayibiowu, Fayise, Odé Edidi, Jege, Òṣogbo, and Ògèdèngbé.! Omole was the chief of them all and knew the Ìjẹ̀ṣà farms and all the secret paths quite well. He often led the Ìbàdàn kidnappers to kidnap his own people and bring them captive to Ìbàdàn ; for this he acquired the nickname "A ni obara ojulumd |’apd" (one who has in his sack a cord for binding an acquaintance). It was the services of these Ìjẹ̀ṣàs driven out of the town that were successfully utilized by the Ìbàdàns in the Ìjẹ̀bú Ere and the Ara expeditions. In this way they resented their expulsion from Ilẹ̀ṣà by betraying their countrymen, and their exploits served but to increase the disaffection of the Ìjẹ̀ṣà chiefs against the Odole.

¶37 Just about this time (1866) Mr. Phillip Jose Meffre a wellknown Ìjẹ̀ṣà at Lagos with some other Ìjẹ̀ṣàs, taking advantage of the opening of the roads went up for a short visit to their native land. On their returning to Lagos, they bought as curios several native mats, fans, etc., with other articles of merchandise for presents. On both journeys they stayed at the C.MS. compound and premises at Kudeti, Ìbàdàn.

¶38 But the Ìjẹ̀ṣàs of Lagos being at variance with one another, sent secret intelligence to Ìbàdàn, and a hint was given to the Baṣọ̀run to watch the clandestine movements of Mr. Meffre against the interests of Ìbàdàn.

¶39 In the afternoon of the 2nd of March, 1866, the Baṣọ̀run sent for Mr. Meffre and all his countrymen who were with him and charged them with working secretly against the interests of Ìbàdàn.

¶40 They, of course, deniedit and declared their innocence. Most of them had been carried away as slaves to Brazil and other parts and having effected their ransom and returned to Lagos they now simply took advantage of the opening of the roads to revisit their native land; with political matters they had no concern whatever. But the Baṣọ̀run detained them and cast them all into prison, and sent to the mission premises to confiscate all their goods. The Rev. J. T. Smith, missionary in charge of the station during the absence of Mr. Hinderer, interposed on their behalf, because they were all Christians from Lagos. In vain did he plead their cause, invoking the aid of some of the friendly chiefs. They were all put in chains, and there was no peace or rest at the mission compound on their account. Thus matters stood for nearly a fortnight.

¶41 On the morning of the 14th of March all at the Mission were glad to see Mr. Meffre and his countrymen released and sent back free

¶42 'The youngest and destined to be the most famous.

¶43 unconditionally! What had happened? On the previous night, there was a terrible conflagration in which the house of the Baṣọ̀run had a very narrow escape. All the houses around that part of the building in which these men were chained were burnt to the ground but their prison house was intact! The Baṣọ̀run was so struck with this miraculous escape that he exclaimed "Surely these men are innocent persons, and this is naught else but the interposition of their God, and I am not the man to defy the white man’s God." So he hastily released them and sent them back to the mission.

¶44 In the meantime the siege of Igbájọ was being vigorously prosecuted by the Ìjẹ̀ṣàs, and Igbájọ was nearly hemmed in on every side. In their extremity they sent to Ìbàdàn for help. The Baṣọ̀run sent to them Osuntoki the Máyè with some minor war chiefs, but the Ìjẹ̀ṣàs were too strong for them. The town was well nigh taken when the Ìbàdàn contingents there sent home to the Baṣọ̀run for the Balógun to come to their rescue as mere reinforcements were of no avail.

¶45 On the 16th of December, 1866, the war staff was propitiated, and on the 17th the standard was out under the command of the new Balógun Akere on its way to Igbájọ. They arrived at Igbájọ about the 14th of January, and they obtained a victory as easy as it was complete.

¶46 On the first day the fight was to take place, while they were holding a council of war, the Ìjẹ̀ṣàs marched out to give battle. Abayomi the Òsì impatient of much talk left them all at the council, by a private arrangement he entered the forest, and through a secret path was led to the rear of the Ìjẹ̀ṣà army. All of a sudden he burst upon the principal chiefs where they were lounging without guards and without protection: the younger men were all in the battle field. Escape was impossible, he fell upon them and butchered them all to pieces, carrying the camp by assault. The Ìjẹ̀ṣàs who had marched out to give battle were filled with consternation when they saw the camp in flames behind them, and the Ìbàdàn army before and behind! Panic stricken they were simply pounced upon as does a cat on a mouse. It was a matter of "veni, vidi, vici," the battle did not last an hour. The Ìjẹ̀ṣà camp was at the foot of a hill, neither chiefs nor men went on horseback, all were on foot and in the chase up the hill not a single chief escaped to tell the tale! Those who escaped the sword died of exhaustion and thirst, many of them corpulent men. Here the power of the Ìjẹ̀ṣàs was completely broken. Ilẹ̀ṣà was partly deserted as they expected an immediate siege. Esa was taken on the 26th of January.

¶47 The news of this tragedy travelled swiftly to Lagos, and the Ìjẹ̀ṣàs of Lagos approached the Governor (J. H. Glover) beseeching him to interpose on their behalf, that their capital city be not destroyed by war.

¶48 The Governor sent a messenger to the Baṣọ̀run of Ìbàdàn, deprecating the capture of Ilẹ̀ṣà, and accordingly repeated messages one after another from the Baṣọ̀run were sent to recall the Balógun who had advanced towards Ilẹ̀ṣà.

¶49 At the same time also, the Ọwá had sent demijohns of beads and heavy presents to the Baṣọ̀run at home tendering his submission. Thus Ilẹ̀ṣà was spared. The Ìbàdàn army returned home in triumph on the 17th of February, 1867.

§3. THE Late Ògúnmọ́lá BAṢỌ̀RUN OF ÌBÀDÀN

¶51 The Ìbàdàn war-chiefs after their arrival at home paid the customary tribute in slaves to the ALÁÀFIN. The senior war-chiefs also contributed their share to the Baṣọ̀run Ògúnmọ́lá and the minor chiefs received their share from the subordinate chiefs according to custom.

¶52 After this the Baṣọ̀run paid a visit of congratulation to each of the principal war-chiefs on their safe return. Each of them received him with every mark of honour and offered presents of a slave and some heads of cowries. They also paid a return visit according to custom.

¶53 A few days afterwards it was rumoured that the Baṣọ̀run was sick: the rumour soon gained ground, and from the abundance of the sacrifices being offered the malady was known to be serious. It was said to be an attack of small pox, and the Babalawos (priests of Ifá) advised that a gun loaded with bullets be fired in the direction of the Isale Osun district ; this was done and more besides, but all to no purpose. On the morning of the 28th February, 1867, repeated rattling of musketry announced to the public that the august patient had passed away.

¶54 Not two months after, on the 12th of April, 1867, Abayomi the Òsì died after a few days’ illness. On the 30th of the same month died Tubosun the Ọ̀tún Balógun also suddenly.

¶55 These important deaths in quick succession struck one as very remarkable, as if to atone for the wholesale butchery of the Ìjẹ̀ṣà chiefs at Igbájọ. Thus of the five principal chiefs who held the council of war for the relief of Igbájọ within four months only the Balógun and Sẹ́rìkí remained alive.

¶56 The Cause of the Baṣọ̀run’s Death—From the nature of the malady it was generally held that the death was not due to natural causes. During the absence of the war-chiefs at Igbájọ, the

¶57 Baṣọ̀run in the height of his glory was so elated that he sent to the ALÁÀFIN to send him Ahayan posts and bere grass for his Kobi. As a nobleman he was entitled to a kobi (a bay projecting from the house with a conical top higher than the roof of the house). Ahayan is a rare tree found in certain parts of the country, and used by the great alone. It is neither affected by weather, termites, or ordinary fire. The bere is a grass used for thatching that grows only in the plain. Annual contribution of this grass is made by subordinates to their chiefs between December and January in the country of the plain, so that a gift of bere has come to be regarded in the light of paying tribute; it has thus passed into a proverb to illustrate anything most incongruous "Odi ori odi ki ara Ọ̀yọ́ ki o pa bere fun ara Oko "(the height of incongruity for citizens of Ọ̀yọ́ to contribute bere to country folks). This time-honoured maxim Ògúnmọ́lá was bent on violating out of sheer vanity, not caring for the fact of its being an insult and great offence to his sovereign. The King ordered both to be sent to him, but it was noticed that the posts were wrapped in mats, and tied precisely the same way corpses are wrapped in this country for interment. Ògúnmọ́lá did not enjoy his acquisition for two months. This can only be regarded as a paternal imprecation on an undutiful and disloyal son.

¶58 The more probable and direct cause of his death alleged by those who had access to his presence was the following :—

¶59 It was reported to him by one of his roaming followers that he had seen a cloth with one of the Èkìtì Kings, the like of which could be found in the possession of his superiors. The cloth was so finely-woven that it could be folded up into so small a compass that it could be stowed away by stuffing it into a moderate sized conch shell, and yet unfolded was an ample covering for a man. [The cloth probably was silk, as the best kind of Samayan or rough silk, comes from that part of the country.]

¶60 Ògúnmọ́lá did not adopt a course which one would have expected from so astute a man, viz. to ask the said Èkìtì king to send him the weaver to weave one like it for him, or even one of a superior quality, and also to teach the art to his people. On the contrary he sent to take possession of the cloth. Here again we see the operation of that vanity that demanded the title of Baṣọ̀run, that required Ahayan and Bere for his kobi, and which displayed a show of triumph over the Aseyin. The cloth was sent him. It was noticed that from the moment he unfolded the cloth and wrapped it around his body, he began to feel some inconvenience, this grew to a feverish heat which baffled every effort to cool down, nay not even when they resorted to pouring buckets of cold water upon him ; it went on increasing in intensity, and in this agony of heat he writhed until he passed away. This gave colour to the bulletin issued that His Highness died of the fever of small pox.

¶61 Ògúnmọ́lá as a private man has been brought to our notice first during the time of Baṣọ̀run Olúyọ̀lé. He was as a soldier bold, hardy, fearless, and very astute. He rose rapidly to distinction by the aid of some of his colleagues who saw in him qualities of a great leader, viz., Awanibaku, who became his Balógun, Tubosun, who became the Ọ̀tún Balógun, Aruna, who afterwards became a distinguished cavalry officer, Kukoni who afterwards became a Christian and retired from their company, Odunjo the Sẹ́rìkí of Ìbàdàn during the Ìjàyè war, and others. He led them on several slave-hunting expeditions, and, as their captain received a lion’s share of the booty, so as to be able to fill his position with credit and provide them with arms and ammunition for another expedition. His fame brought him many more followers, and he soon obtained a title and a voice in the government, and thus rose from one post of distinction to another until he attained the head chieftaincy of Ìbàdàn.

¶62 We may note here that this is the precise way most of the war-chiefs of Ìbàdàn rose to distinction.

¶63 As a general he was unsurpassed for boldness and courage, he knew not how to give his back to the enemy, and these qualities often saved him from many a critical position. Being a man of small stature, he always rode on the tallest horses he could find, with his eyes on all around, to single out the brave by name for praise and encouragement, and the coward for disgrace. His fame eclipsed that of Ibikunle his chief, who was his superior in every respect, so much so that those who knew little of Ìbàdàn took him for the head of the town even when he was only the Ọ̀tún Balógun. But he knew how to obey commands and yield implicit obedience to his superior officer. Of the three senior war-chiefs in the early sixties, Ibikunle, Ògúnmọ́lá and Osundina, he was their bull dog, hence his name was universally known and his fame grew.

¶64 As an administrator he was very just, and was never influenced by bribes. On the contrary if money was brought to him to prejudice his mind in a case to be heard, after patiently hearing the case if it went against the man who attempted to bribe him, he would disgrace him openly for what he had attempted to do, bring out the bribe in public and the fine would be more than the bribe. The following story will serve to illustrate a case of this kind showing also his practical common sense:—A disagreeable man’s goat broke through the fence of his neighbour and destroyed several stalks of his standing corn; the latter in driving it away inadvertently hit the goat on the head with a stone and killed it. The owner of the goat demanded redress, and charged an exorbitant price for his goat, refusing all entreaties, and when the money was not forthcoming, he summoned the poor man the next day before the Baṣọ̀run.

¶65 The Baṣọ̀run saw at once that the act was merely an accident and that the plaintiff was altogether spiteful; he was, therefore determined to teach him a lesson.

¶66 The case having been stated in open court, the next day the Baṣọ̀run acted as if he were all in favour of the plaintiff. He rated the man, who killed the goat soundly for his clumsiness and want of caution etc.; it served him right, he was to pay the price demanded by the owner of the goat, 10 heads of cowries; but as the man could not afford the money (on account of which the case came to court at all) he offered to lend him the amount, and the amount of 10 heads was brought out. Both parties now began to get confused before this extraordinary judge. As the poor man thanked the Baṣọ̀run and was going away (the plaintiff being afraid to take the money) the Baṣọ̀run called him back saying "Where are you going, you duffer? Why don’t you bring a counter-charge for the destruction of your corn? I suppose about 30 or 40 stalks were destroyed. As he has received 10 heads of cowries for one goat, supposing you demand 10 heads for each stalk of your corn destroyed? That would be fair according to his own code, won't it?" And there in open court he told how this disagreeable neighbour had come the previous evening with three heads of cowries to bribe him on this case. He had kept the money on one side and now ordered it to be brought out in open court saying, "After carelessly leaving your goat to stray out and destroy another man’s property you have the heart to come here and charge about double the market price for the loss of it, when this was due to a pure accident." (The utmost amount for goats then was about 6 heads.) It was now the plaintiff’s turn to beg trembling where he lay prostrate before the Baṣọ̀run. Thus His Highness dealt with the case, the plaintiff not only losing his bribe, but also had to pay about 30 or 40 bags for the corn destroyed. It was generally known that it was of no use bribing the Baṣọ̀run, that would not affect the decision of the case.

¶67 Previously to Ògúnmọ́lá’s regime, no young man or youth could be seen out of doors unarmed with some weapon or other ; it was considered effeminate to go about without any. Firearms of course were absolutely forbidden by the fundamental laws of the town but a young man did not consider himself fully dressed without a short sword or knife girded to his side, a jack knife buckled to his left wrist, and wielding in his right hand a large-headed club or cudgel ringed or pegged with iron; consequently street fighting was a common affair. To spend a good day out without wounds and bruises to show for it was not considered manly. Ògúnmọ́lá put a stop to all that because thereby the innocent often suffered at the hands of brute strength.

¶68 To prevent’ fire accidents those whose occupation demands large fires like brewers and those who cook eko or yam for sale were ordered to do so during the dry season in open spaces, preferably near wells or streams, and not under a shed, much less under a roof. The master of the compound was made answerable for every case of fire. In order not to escape justice the rough and ready method pursued was to seize some of the members of the house and the head of the house would be compelled to effect their redemption. When everyone in the compound is liable to suffer, every one will be concerned to see that no mischief arises from carelessness.

¶69 Warriors are honoured by him far more than farmers or traders. If, for instance, a warrior’s wife is outraged by a farmer or a trader (which was considered one of the most serious offences) he usually imposed the heaviest fines, i.e. a dog, a goat, and 10 bags of cowries which in those days was equivalent to £10. But if the case was vice versa the fine is lighter, perhaps only 5 heads of cowries (onetwentieth of the above) and a goat; but he was usually reminded that the rest of the fine would have to be paid with interest on the battlefield ; i.e. by showing courage and bravery. He was loved and trusted as a leader because he knew how to appreciate and reward valour. As an instance of this the following story may be told :—During the year 1866, one Samuel Peeler, alias Bioran, a Sierra Leone emigrant, who had distinguished himself in many a battlefield was summoned before him by certain hunters and charged with appropriating a deer they had shot, the blood and footprints of which they traced to his farm; he did not give it up to them, on the contrary when it was demanded he offered them a share! According to the customary laws of the country that was a serious offence (hunters are a privileged class of men, they are the national foresters, scouts, and bush detectives) and heavy fines were usually imposed on such offenders.

¶70 When Bioran was asked what he had to say, he replied, "Kabiyesi "(may your highness live long) "When the Ìbàdàn army was before Ìjàyè between the years 1860 and 1862 on several occasions when such and such (naming them) important personages fell in the thick of the fight and a deadly struggle ensued with the enemy for the appropriation of the body, when none could do it, it was I Bioran, who went forward, lifted the body on my shoulders, and brought it to the camp. Again before Iperu when certain important chiefs fell it was I Bioran with bullets flying about my ears who went to the midline of battle and rescued the body from the enemy. Now, in walking over my farm 2 days ago, I saw a dead deer in the border of my farm, so I said to myself. If Bioran can shoulder a dead man between two fires (lit AlA ija) why should he be unable to shoulder a dead animal between two farms (lit AlA oko) that was why I shouldered it. Kabiyesi."

¶71 The Baṣọ̀run who remembered the occasions very well laughed outright and exclaimed "Behe na ni wayi Bioran, behe ni tire ri" (and exactly so it was old Bioran, and that is just like you). The skilful way in which he touched the Baṣọ̀run’s sensitive parts and his witty play on the words "Al4 ija ala oko," between two fires, between two farms, amused the whole court, and there before the assembly the Baṣọ̀run praised and honoured him for his valour, and calling for a head of cowries and a bottle of gin (instead of fining him), he said, "Take these Bioran, you can go home and enjoy your venison and wash it down with this bottle of gin. I see no reason why a valiant man should not enjoy a bit of venison." Turning round to the hunters he said "That is not the sort of man to be fined, he is a valiant man." He then satisfied the hunters with some presents to console them and dismissed the case.

¶72 Ògúnmọ́lá had only two sons Osun and Ilori and one daughter Omosa. He kept a large harem; his wives could be numbered by hundreds and having but three children by all these, the Ìjàyès during the war often taunted him in their songs :—

¶73 "Ògúnmọ́lá ko bi'mo (Ògúnmọ́lá without children Omo Ìbàdàn li o warun." Ìbàdàn lads he would destroy.)

¶74 but he left several grandchildren to mourn his loss.

¶75 Ìbàdàn lost in him a wise and just Administrator, and a veteran leader and successful soldier. He was a liberal minded man, who, instead of crushing delighted in lifting up the hands of a weaker comrade. For example, Osundina the Òsì, his junior colleague was a powerful warrior but a poorer man than either himself or the Balógun. Thus in one of their expeditions one of his tributary towns gave up more than 200 refugees to him. As these were not captives of war, but refugees (termed Eyo) they should be distributed among the senior chiefs ; but Ògúnmọ́lá suggested to the Balógun that they should let Osundina keep all in order to increase his means of keeping up his position with credit ; the

¶76 Balógun accordingly agreed. Ògúnmọ́lá would never address him by name or title, always "Ekeji mi" my comrade.

§ 4. ÒGÈDÈNGBÉ AND THE FALL OF ILẸ̀ṢÀ

¶78 Ògèdèngbé a young Ìjẹ̀ṣà warrior as we have noticed under §2 was one of those restless spirits of Ilẹ̀ṣà who came to domicile at Ìbàdàn, where they could find for their energies the scope which was denied them at home. He was placed under Bada Aki iko o a distinguished warrior, under whom he learnt the art of war. When the Ìjẹ̀ṣàs rebelled against Ìbàdàn, he was one of those who returned home to rejoin his compatriots to lay siege against Igbájọ. When they were defeated he was caught and brought back to Ìbàdàn and handed over to Ògúnmọ́lá.

¶79 The fact of his having been at Ìbàdàn before and then joined the rebels against the country of his adoption rendered his crime to be regarded as treason for which he should suffer the extreme penalty. He was ordered by Ògúnmọ́lá to be executed. He was being led to the altar of Ogun (the god of war) for execution when his old colleagues Ayibiowu, Omole, and Odo ran to the Baṣọ̀run to plead for his life ; they went through Latosisa then the head of Ògúnmọ́lá’s war boys and a favourite at court. Had Latésisa delayed a minute he would have been too late: the Baṣọ̀run granted his release, but to mark the gravity of his crime he disfigured his face with the A Bunu marks which he carried to his grave as a lesson for the future, and handed him over to Ayibiowu1.

¶80 After this was done, Ògúnmọ́lá as his custom was to divine daily with his Ifá, was told by the priest that the young man so disfigured was destined to become a great man hereafter, and that he would cause the Ìbàdàns any amount of trouble. Immediately His Highness ordered a propitiation to be made on the spot where the blood from his face was spilt ; and this was done accordingly. He was the man destined by Providence to be the deliverer of his country from bondage as we shall see hereafter.

¶81 A short time after this, Ògèdèngbé escaped back to Ilẹ̀ṣà, and other young men also who had escaped at the defeat at Igbájọ to Odo, Iperindo, and other places returned home one by one. Ògèdèngbé now headed a conspiracy against the Odole who had warned them against the siege of Igbájọ, and who by his repressive

¶82 measures caused many young men to flee from the city of Ilẹ̀ṣà. A civil war ensued ; for seven days the Odole kept them at bay, but at last, overpowered by numbers, he was shut up in his house for three days, and when his boys grew weary and disheartened and began to disappear, the Odole fell by his own hands.

¶83 Immediately the news of the death of the Baṣọ̀run of Ìbàdàn reached them, Ilẹ̀ṣà again rebelled openly against Ìbàdàn and war was declared against them.

¶84 Balógun Akere was now the senior chief after the death of the Baṣọ̀run, but he declined to assume the Baleship till after their return from the Ilẹ̀ṣà war. It was alleged by some that the Baṣọ̀run before his death left a charge that Ilẹ̀ṣà should not be spared. Whether it was so or not, yet the Ìbàdàn chiefs were not all unanimous about this expedition, not from any love for Ilẹ̀ṣà or fear of its almost impregnable forts, but rather that titles should be re-arranged so that they might have promotions. The Balógun could obtain the assent and co-operation of Obembe alone, the son of the late Balógun Ibikunle ; having secured the confidence of this powerful chief he declared war in spite of the others.

¶85 The war-staff was propitiated on the 20th December, 1867 ; it had to be done at night on account of the disaffection among the chiefs. The Balógun left the town on the 22nd of December and as in duty bound, the rest of the chiefs joined him on the 23rd. They marched straight via Oshogbo and encamped first at Ilasé and marched thence to Ibala. Here the Ìjẹ̀ṣàs began to oppose their advance, and the first battle fought.

¶86 Hitherto the war chiefs followed the Balógun just mechanically but would not fight for him; but with the help of Obembe he felt he could dispense with their services and so he took no notice of them. But now a formal measure was adopted to put an end to the disaffection, the matter was talked over, the Balógun pacified them with large presents, and being satisfied they fought with a will, and dislodged the Ìjẹ̀ṣàs from Ibala, forcing them to fall back on Afara Jegede. This was a trench about 30 or 40 feet deep with drawbridges, carried almost round Ilẹ̀ṣà. Here the Ìjẹ̀ṣàs made a long stand, but it was taken at last and the camp was removed forwards.

¶87 There was another entrenchment with forts beyond a stream which the Ìbàdàns named Fejeboju (washing the face with blood), so named from the bloody battles fought there which caused the stream to flow with blood constantly from the wounded and the dying. In an attempt to take this second entrenchment an ambuscade headed by Ayibiowu went to the Oke Esa road, but they were discovered and waylaid: they were dispersed and

¶88 Ayibiowu their leader was taken alive by his countrymen, and butchered to pieces.

¶89 The Ìbàdàns were over a year in this place fighting but could not take it, and without that there was no hope of taking Ilẹ̀ṣà. Notwithstanding this the Ìjẹ̀ṣàs considered it prudent to surrender, as sooner or later Ilẹ̀ṣà would surely be taken ; hence they began to negotiate for peace. There was an armistice; during the negotiation, they brought over 400 bags of cowries into the Ìbàdàn camp as submission money, but the chiefs feared to touch the gift, for it might have been poisoned! But Ogboriefon who about this time began to make a name being a poor man, was willing to take all. "Let me die if poisoned," said he, "I do not mind." With this he entertained the fighting men, and made fresh preparations for the conflict. At this crisis Akere the commander-in-chief died. A council of war was held to consider the decision to be made under present circumstances. It was resolved to continue the war "lest the Ìjẹ̀ṣàs would say we agreed to peace because we had lost our leader." So the next day they forestalled the Ìjẹ̀ṣàs by telling them that they had killed their Balógun because he was inclined to peace, the armistice therefore was now at an end. A terrible battle ensued that day, they fought till sunset. This was done chiefly to inspire courage into those that might be faint-hearted amongst themselves and lose courage on account of the death of the Balógun. This battle was fought on February 15th, 1869.

¶90 The command of the army now devolved upon Orowusi the Asipa. Orowusi was a powerful chief but very unpopular. He was disliked by all the senior war-chiefs of the day, he had no influence even with the men; however, by virtue of his office as senior chief all agreed to submit to him.

¶91 What was denied him, however, was accorded to his eldest son Akeredolu. This young man had several friends among his companions, several left their masters and made him their captain, and at last the honour was his to capture this entrenchment which had baffled the whole army for over a year. The trench which continued as far as they could extend their lines to the right as well as to the left, they thought was carried right round the town but it was disclosed to Akeredolu that it terminated at the foot of a mighty rock several miles distant and that the terminus was concealed by a dense forest. Excepting on the day of battle very few men were generally left to guard the entrenchment and the fort which was considered impregnable, the majority being left at home for rest and enjoyment.

¶92 Akeredolu kept the secret to himself, he told not even his father. One afternoon he and his companions put on their arms, and it was reported to his father that he was going to the battlefield. Not being the day of battle the father was alarmed that he was going single-handed to attempt what had baffled the whole army for more than one year! He sent peremptory messages to call him back, failing in that, he sent a pathetic remonstrance "Come "back, oh, come back, for so was I bereaved of your elder brother at the Iperu war, when he was attempting a feat of valour." Akeredolu heeded nothing, but went off in another direction. When out of sight of camp he dismounted and carried a gun on his shoulder like the rest of his companions, and was led to the foot of the rock where the trench terminated. They climbed it to the other side and made for the battlefield, nothing preventing them.

¶93 The Ìbàdàn chief being anxious about his son and not knowing his whereabouts, armed himself and went out to the battlefield, the whole army, of course, following him. Then all of a sudden Akeredolu and his companions appeared on the other side of the moat, fell upon the small guard left there and dispersed them ; the drawbridges were thrown over to admit his father with the whole Ìbàdàn army, the walls of the fort were quickly beaten down. In a few minutes the trench was filled up to a considerable distance, every one throwing in something, and with hoe and digger it was soon levelled up enough for a passage for the whole army. Thus Akeredolu won for his father and for himself a great reputation. The Ìbàdàns were now able to remove to a third encampment by the walls of Ilẹ̀ṣà.

¶94 Before Ilẹ̀ṣà was taken two other chiefs signalized themselves, viz. Latosisa the Ọ̀tún Sẹ́rìkí and Àjàyí Ogboriefon. The latter rose into prominence by heading a band of young men for exploits, as most of the Ìbàdàn chiefs did. He was always poor, because he spent lavishly, but he was a brave leader and smooth tongued, knowing well how to encourage soldiers and inspire courage into the faint-hearted. Thus in the thick of the fight with men falling right and left, he used to produce beans from his satchel showing them to the mén saying, "See, this is what they are firing now, they have no bullets, come let us get at them." Then he used to remind them of home and all its pleasures, telling them that it is the bravest that will be honoured, who can break the laws with impunity. "Remember the bazaars, the Iba market, what pleasures you often enjoy there, pleasures bordering on crime. Now is the time to atone for them if you will enjoy yourself again with impunity." With such words he often spurred them on to the fight.

¶95 The Ìbàdàns now discovered that the Ìjẹ̀ṣàs were well supplied with food and ammunition from Odo, and it was evident that unless this road was taken there was little hope of taking the town. The arduous task of doing this devolved upon these two war-chiefs Latosisa and Àjàyí Ogboriefon. This road being the life of Ilẹ̀ṣà was heroically defended by two armies. A more desperate battle was never fought in this campaign than what took place here. Latosisa opposed the Ìjẹ̀ṣà army from the country, and Ogboriefon that from the city.

¶96 An Ìjẹ̀ṣà eye-witness reported that in the first day’s fight a heap of 140 corpses was made, the corpses not being allowed to be removed home or lie about for fear of causing a panic! The wounded were more in number, and these on the side of the Ìjẹ̀ṣàs from the city alone. For five days the contest continued, fighting went on day and night till in the end the road was taken and the Ìbàdàns under Latosisa and Ogboriefon made an encampment there. Ajobo the Sẹ́rìkí encamped in the Oke Esa road, and the body of the army with the head war-chief at Ita Ogbogi in the main road. The walls of Ilẹ̀ṣà were very thick, high and slippery, the moat very deep, and as long as Ògèdèngbé was there to defend it. there was no telling how long the town could hold out. But the end was inevitable.

¶97 Added to the distress in the city were the ravages of the band of ruffians called Ipaiye. These were Ògèdèngbé’s war boys organized like the Jamas of the days of Àfọ̀njá. They would enter houses and help themselves to food and whatever they could lay hands upon.

¶98 When the Odd road was taken and food supplies cut off, people died of starvation in the streets by hundreds ; the ravages of the Ipaiyes became more intolerable. Whole families left the town and entered the Ìbàdàn camp giving themselves up as slaves in order to save their lives. Ajobo the Sẹ́rìkí was largely benefited by these, for hearing of his unparalleled liberality, they entered the Ìbàdàn camp and named him as the chief they gave themselves up to, and were conducted to his tent.

¶99 Ògèdèngbé at length sent word to Ogboriefon to grant him an interview. This interview took place on the battlefield, the two generals leaving their armies in the rear met at the centre of the battlefield.

¶100 At the second interview they made a covenant of friendship and Àjàyí promised to allow him a safe retreat. The fate of Ilẹ̀ṣà being now a foregone conclusion, in order to prevent further unnecessary loss of lives by the sword and by famine, they arranged that the Ìbàdàn army should make a way for Ògèdèngbé and his followers to go in peace leaving the town a prey to the besiegers.

¶101 On the appointed day Ògèdèngbé brought valuable presents in beads and cloths to Àjàyí, and the covenant was ratified.

¶102 Early in the morning of the 4th of June, 1870, Ògèdèngbé with his Ipaiyes left Ilẹ̀ṣà and threw the gates open. According to arrangement the Ìbàdàns opened their ranks for them to pass, and closed them against stragglers, and then the town was taken.

¶103 The Ọwá came into the camp. The Ìbàdàn chief gave him ro of his wives and as many of his children as could be found, also ro bags of cowries and a basket of kola nuts. They then left him in charge of the king of Ibokun (a neighbouring Ìjẹ̀ṣà tributary town) to be reinstated when the fugitives and all who escaped capture could have returned to their desolate homes.

¶104 The Ìbàdàns pursuing their conquest as far as Odo and Iperindo, both places were taken. The army now divided into two parts, one part went against Igangan, the other to Ipetu; the former made a long resistance but was at length taken.

¶105 The Ìbàdàn. army returned home in triumph on the 10th of July 1870.

¶106 All the war-chiefs in procession escorted home the coffined bones of the late Balógun Akere. Before this coffin when fixed in state the leading chief prostrated and in a formal way told the result of the war as to the living Balógun, and then wept over his remains lamenting his loss!

¶107 The whole of them now accompanied Orowusi home, thereby acknowledging him their head, then they dispersed to their homes.

¶108 Ògèdèngbé whose opening career we have now related disappeared from view for a time. We shall hear of him again.