Chapter 21. Two Administrations Of Opposite Policies

§ 1. OROWUSI'S ADMINISTRATION

¶2 ÌBÀDÀN was the one place that loomed largely in people’s eyes at this period (1870). To have taken Ilẹ̀ṣà was regarded as a feat of extraordinary magnitude it being a town of great strength, both in its fortifications and in its able-bodied citizens ; and consequently . the eyes of all surrounding tribes were fixed on the town situated on the hills.

¶3 The first duty of the Ìbàdàns now was to fill up the vacancies among the ruling chiefs and to settle home affairs.

¶4 They had only been at home for less than two months when on the 1st of September the town had to lament the death of Osun, the first-born son of Ògúnmọ́lá the late Baṣọ̀run. It was a great loss to the community, as the late Baṣọ̀run had only two sons and a daughter. The town went into mourning for a month, and then arrangements were made to confer the title of Bále on Orowusi. .On the 30th September Agbaro the Ìlàrí sent by the ALÁÀFIN for the purpose conferred the title on him in the presence of all the chiefs and a large assemblage of people.

¶5 On the 5th day after, the Bále began to confer the principal titles by batches ; the most important of which we need mention are :—-Ajobo who became the Balógun, Latosisa the Ọ̀tún, Àjàyí Ogboriefon the Òsì, Ali Laluwoye the Asipa, Lawoyin the Sẹ́rìkí, Ojo Oronna the Ọ̀tún Sẹ́rìkí, Tajo the Ọ̀tún Bále.

¶6 All these men played some important part more or less in the history of the country. By the end of October the affairs of the town had been settled.

¶7 On the 5th of November the old Chief Mele was again despatched to Ìjẹ̀bú to negotiate for an Agurin (consul) in order that peace and amity might once more be established between them. The last Agurin was recalled when Ìjẹ̀bú declared war against Ìbàdàn during the Ìjàyè war. Now peace and tranquility reigned over all the land.

¶8 This Bále encouraged agriculture himself setting the example. Under such peaceful rule the Christians of Ìbàdàn numbering about 400 with their teachers thought it right to do honour to the Bále, who was well disposed to Christianity. They went in a body with the school children to his house, and he came out to receive them in the square in front of the house and a short service was held including the prayers for the King and all rulers. The Bále was immensely pleased and the Christian body enjoyed a pleasant day.

¶9 Civil commotion.—The next trouble started where the last ended. The Ọwá of Ilẹ̀ṣà being dead, it devolved upon Ìbàdàn as the Suzerain power to appoint another Ọwá. There were, however, two claimants, each with his rival party, and both parties were seeking for help among the Ìbàdàn chiefs to promote their cause.

¶10 Prince Odigbadigba, backed by Ògèdèngbé, sent about 50 slaves and a quantity of beads to Balógun Ajobo to promote his cause. Ajobo instead of bringing the matter before the council, with whatever backing he could bestow on his client, appropriated all the presents and gave orders that Odigbadigba be crowned.

¶11 When the Ìbàdàn chiefs came to know about all this they were fired with rage and ordered both claimants to Ìbàdàn. In the meantime Ògèdèngbé’s nominee had been crowned at Ilẹ̀ṣà, but on their arrival he was set aside as being irregularly crowned, and the rival was crowned at Ìbàdàn on the 22nd of May, 1871, and sent home in state. Prince Odigbadigba was detained at Ìbàdàn, and lodged with Ogundepo the Bále’s brother.

¶12 This action of Balógun Ajobo hurt not only the Bále whose rights he had often usurped, but also his brother chiefs, especially his principal lieutenants Latosisa and Àjàyí, on whom fell the brunt of the task of taking Ilẹ̀ṣà at the final stage.

¶13 Ajobo’s popularity lay in his largess to the people, which gained him fame at home and abroad. and secured for him a large following among whom were some brave men that could not be overlooked; this popularity turned his head, leading him to act as he did. As a leader he was much lacking in courage and ability as the fiasco at Osiele showed, and therefore he carried no weight or respect among the body of the people. He arrived at his post more by order of seniority than by merit and by the large number of men behind him which must be taken into account. But for such a grave political blunder his deposition was resolved upon.

¶14 Chief Ògèdèngbé was very anxious about the safety of Prince Odigbadigba hence he was sending some slaves and presents to the Ìbàdàn chiefs to effect his release. On this being known, the Ìbàdàn chiefs sent to intercept the messengers out of spite to the Balógun to whom they were sent direct.

¶15 On the 23rd of June, the war-staff was demanded from him, —a sign that he was deprived of his title: there was consequently a great commotion in the town, the people apprehending a civil war, but Ajobo had not the courage to attempt one; on the contrary he spent largely to purchase his pardon. This pardon was granted on the 29th and all was quiet again, and he attended the weekly town council as before.

¶16 But the disaffection against him among some of the chiefs was as great as ever, and the desire to encompass his fall very strong, especially with Àjàyí the Òsì, and Lawoyin the Sẹ́rìkí, who were under great obligation to him for the means of attaining their present position. To them his fall would mean one lift upwards in their titles, and an obliteration of their feeling of obligation to him, the shame and remorse of conscience for their ingratitude to him in his distress, being intolerable when he was pardoned. Consequently there was another explosion engineered by these two chiefs ; he was deprived of all his tributary towns, was forbidden to attend Council, and was rejected by the chiefs in council.

¶17 Ajobo now resolved to die, and ordered his coffin to be made and the grave to be dug. On the evening of the 5th of July, he returned the war-staff to the Bále. But early on the 6th when everybody was expecting to hear of Ajobo’s death, and his lying in state, he escaped from the town; passing by the C.M.S. station at Kudeti he took a by-path by which he regained the main road to Ìjẹ̀bú and escaped to the town of Ipara in the Remo district. Some of his ill-wishers actually gave chase when the news of his escape was heard but failed to overtake him.

¶18 Now his principal opponents Latosisa and Àjàyí Ogboriefon came to congratulate the Bále on having got rid of the Balógun. But the Bále’s reception of the news disappointed their expectations. The Bále’s wish was that his pride be humbled for such a gross public offence, but that he be finally pardoned. With surprise and alarm he asked "Gone away? Who drove him away? What message did you send him which obliged him to leave the town? "Latosisa and Àjàyí replied "Who drove him away but yourself? Did you not send a messenger to us to say we should accept no terms of reconciliation? "" What "replied the Bále "What is the name of the messenger I sent?" In great anger the Bále retired within and shut the door against them leaving them where they prostrated before him.

¶19 He saw at once through the scheming of the war-chiefs who would get rid of a chicken-hearted Balógun; but he the Bále had no need of a fire-eater for one, and hence he apprehended trouble from these younger war-chiefs.

¶20 That was the last time the Bále was seen in public, he never showed his face after this till his corpse was exposed in state before interment. The rumour of the Bále’s death began on the 15th of August, but there was no public announcement. On the 19th

¶21 Prince Odigbadigba, who was the cause of all these troubles was sent away to his country, but private orders were given to his escorts, that as soon as they were a good way off from the town he should be murdered. On the 30th of August, Ìjẹ̀bú ambassadors arrived at Ìbàdàn to plead for the restoration of Ajobo, but they were sent away with a negative reply. On the evening of the 19th September it was publicly announced that Orowusi the Bále was dead. The expulsion of Ajobo being the cause of his death his people went that same evening and set Ajobo’s house on fire.

¶22 Ìbàdàn was once more without a head. Tajo the oldest among the war-chiefs declined the honour. When the other chiefs were going to assemble in his house, as the Ọ̀tún Bále, he met them at the central market and there declined the offer. No elderly chief agreed to accept the title from the unsettled state of the town due mainly to Latosisa and Àjàyí. For some time their meetings were held in the central market till at last Latosisa agreed to undertake the responsibility though not as a Bále but as a Kakanfò. He alleged that he was a Moslem and none of his creed had been Bále before, but Ojo Amepo who was a Moslem was a Kakanfò and he took his precedent from him.

¶23 The Ìbàdàn chiefs did not like the idea, and the ALÁÀFIN of Ọ̀yọ́ was reluctant to grant it knowing the national troubles usually caused by strong Kakanfòs, but in the end Latosisa won all parties over and obtained the title.

¶24 The Late Bále Orowusi—The late Bále was a native of Ogbagba a town about 6 miles from Ìwó. He was originally an elephant hunter hence his name Orowusi, super-deadly poison (from his poisoned arrows in hunting big game). He rose into power by his own merits, but he was unpopular among the other war-chiefs who were his seniors in the days of Ibikunle and Ògúnmọ́lá. Notwithstanding instances of slights and indignities he endured in the earlier days, he lived to be the head of the town of Ìbàdàn. His rule was short but was marked by a wise administration and by peace with the surrounding tribes.

¶25 He was a far-seeing man, of sound judgment and strong determination. He once summoned a meeting of the chiefs and after addressing them on matters political and inter-tribal, he laid down the following advice which he wished them to treasure up and act upon for the present and future.

¶26 1. That on no account should Ìbàdàn wage any aggressive wartare with any of their principal neighbours the Ẹ̀gbás, Ìjẹ̀bús and Ìlọrins.

¶27 2. That high and responsible positions should not be given to the Mogajis (heirs to large estates) because of the men and means at their command, on account of their inexperience, but rather to older men who were the companions of their fathers for the country will be the gainer by their experience.

¶28 3. That they should rely more on the children of the soil than on their slaves, as it has now become the fashion to make of their slaves high stewards and confidants ; for how can these who are slaves after all seek the permanent interests of the country that enslaved them and made their own country desolate? The seed of bitterness towards ‘ Ọ̀yọ́s" must have sunk deep in their hearts. Their women also should not be made their principal or choice wives.

¶29 4. Never should the slaves be entrusted with messages of importance to the interior, for having nothing to lose, their conduct will not be marked by moderation or discretion."

¶30 These words were well received by the assembly and he set the example by refusing to grant the title of Sẹ́rìkí to Iyapo the son of the late Balógun Ibikunle, although for wealth, power, and the highest war-like qualities he was unsurpassed by none at Ìbàdàn, but his youth was against him. Hence the title was given to Lawoyin an old and experienced veteran who had seen many wars.

¶31 How these precepts were reversed by the succeeding administration and with what consequences to the country we shall see hereafter.

§ 2. ÌBÀDÀN UNDER A KAKANFÒ

¶33 Latosisa usurped the title of Kakanfò by might over right, by displacing Ojo Aburumaku the Kakanfò at Ogbomoso, as Ògúnmọ́lá attempted to do in the case of Gbenla the aged Baṣọ̀run of Ọ̀yọ́. He sent to Ojo for all the insignia of the office, which he was obliged to resign to him, and on the 3rd of October, 1871, he was publicly installed. On the 9th he gave titles to his chiefs the most principal of which were to Àjàyí Ogboriefon, Balógun the title he intrigued so much for, and to Ali Laluwoye the Ọ̀tún. They were barely a year at home when the Ilẹ̀ṣà complications cropped up again, but this time they appeared as defenders of that city.

¶34 We have seen in the preceding section that Odigbadigba was the man Ògèdèngbé desired to be crowned as Ọwá, so when he heard that Odigbadigba was murdered at Ìbàdàn he came with an army from his place of exile, captured Ilẹ̀ṣà and drove away the Ọwá placed there by the Ìbàdàns. Thus Ilẹ̀ṣà was destroyed a second time within a short period. Ògèdèngbé remained at Ilẹ̀ṣà in defiance of Ìbàdàn.

¶35 The Ògèdèngbé Campaign—The Ìbàdàns accepted the challenge by espousing the cause of the expelled Ọwá. The standard of war was propitiated on the 28th of December, 1872, and on the 30th Àjàyí Ogboriefon as commander-in-chief marched out. His orders were simply to capture or drive away Ògèdèngbé and restore the Ọwá.

¶36 But Ògèdèngbé would not risk another war with the Ìbàdàns so shortly within the walls of Ilẹ̀ṣà, so he left the town at the approach of the Ìbàdàn army.

¶37 These encamped. near the walls of Ìjẹ̀bú Ere, and although their orders did not include seizures at Ilẹ̀ṣà, yet, as individuals among them entered the city with the intention of buying provisions one and another among them seeing their run-away slaves of the previous campaign, seized them, others following their examples seized under false pretences, and in order not to go away empty handed, seizures became general, and so Ilẹ̀ṣà was taken again as the people were just settling down.

¶38 The Are of Ìbàdàn on hearing this was much displeased with the Balógun, and, although he pleaded his innocence in the matter, yet the fact remained a stigma on his character. He was sent to relieve Ilẹ̀ṣà not to plunder it.

¶39 Passing from Ilẹ̀ṣà in pursuit of Ògèdèngbé, Odo was again taken. The commander-in-chief being somewhat in a state of destitution before he left home, did not abide by his orders, but was only intent upon slave catching and was always ready with excuses. Ògèdèngbé was pursued from place to place until he lured them to a great forest called Igbo Alawun east of Ikere where he made a stand. Ògèdèngbé encamped at Ita Ogbolu and the Ìbàdàns at Ogotun with the forest between them ; there they fought several battles. Ògèdèngbé inflicting disasters upon them checked the restless ambitions of the Ìbàdàns.

¶40 If the Ìjẹ̀ṣà and Efon towns in the rear had had the courage to rebel, the Ìbàdàns would have been cut off to a man.

¶41 The third battle fought here was simply disastrous to the Ìbàdàns. Ògèdèngbé and his allies lay in ambush while a small body of men was sent forward to draw the Ìbàdàns ; this was soon defeated and in the pursuit the flower of the Ìbàdàn army was hemmed in and cut off from the main body at the base. Most of the young Mogajis were there such as Akeredolu heir of the late Bále Orowusi, Aderibigbe, heir of the late Bále Olugbode, also the Asaju with all the Badas, the Sẹ́rìkí with his Ọ̀tún and Òsì Sẹ́rìkí. These last sat on the very spot the ambuscade was laid their men all scattered in the pursuit for slave catching when all of a sudden the Ìjẹ̀ṣàs opened fire upon them! The Sẹ́rìkí was shot off his horse, seriously wounded, his Ọ̀tún and Òsì were killed on the spot and their heads taken off (the Òsì Sẹ́rìkí alone had 2,000 followers in this campaign not one of them being with him when this disaster occurred) When the pursuers knew that they were hemmed in, they began to fight their way back, and the pursued now became the pursuers. It was "save himself who can "with the Ìbàdàns, the chiefs had only with them their bodyguards who must always be by their sides in weal or woe.

¶42 It was now that Balógun Àjàyí began to redeem his honour. He was a man for any emergency. Unrespected hitherto because he was inferior in men and means to any of the Mogajis, but for presence of mind, courage and resources, he was unequalled by any. He came up at once with the reserve forces, bore down on the Ìjẹ̀ṣàs, and in one tremendous charge he dispersed them and in that way he saved those who had been cut off. The news of this disaster was received with great mourning at Ìbàdàn.

¶43 To military skill, Ògèdèngbé now added state craftiness ; he sent large presents to the Are at home and tendered his submission. The Are sent one messenger after another to recall the Balógun, but from shame the Balógun would not return till the third messenger reached him. A great deal is attached to a Balógun’s first expedition, and to go home empty handed with nothing but tales of disaster was enough to make him afraid of falling into disrepute, especially as there were murmurings against him already among the war boys.

¶44 He turned his steps homeward with a heavy heart. He spent a few days at Ikere. It was in his mind to surprise the town and capture it, but when it was privately intimated to him that they would be hemmed in, he left quite unexpectedly.

¶45 The army arrived home on the 1st September, 1873.

¶46 The Are reprimanded the Balógun sharply for disobeying orders, and he wept in the public meeting like a little child. He would have been deposed from his high office, but the Are knew his worth as a soldier, and that his misfortune lay in not having the wherewithal to command respect and that for that reason he was bent at all hazards on risking everything in order to secure the necessary means.

¶47 The war-chiefs now began to disrespect their commander-in-chief but conscious of his own capabilities he took no notice of slights and insults knowing that occasions will arise when he was sure to command their respect. In order to quiet the restlessness and general dissatisfaction the Are promised to lead the next expedition in person when they would have an opportunity of retrieving their losses.

¶48 The Are however, deposed the Sẹ́rìkí Lawoyin alleging that he was too unlucky as a general to lose his two principal lieutenants in his very first campaign. But the underlying reason was that the principal chiefs felt he was a disgrace to them for the glaringly base ingratitude he displayed towards the deposed Ajobo who had helped him to defray the expenses incidental to his taking office by giving him 800 bags of cowries, a horse, a sword, gowns, etc., and this liberality he requited by pursuing the fallen chief with the very horse he had given him!

¶49 Lawoyin submitted calmly, relinquished public life altogether and retired to his farm.

¶50 The title was given to Iyapo the Mogaji of the late Balógun Ibikunle who commanded all his late father’s resources, and for men and means was unapproached by any of the other chiefs in the town. And Akeredolu son of the late Bále Orowusi the Ọ̀tún Sẹ́rìkí. Thus the Are began to reverse the policy of the late Bále Orowusi in the advice not to exalt inexperienced young men over elderly men of ripe judgment although comparatively poor. His idea was that these young men should be advanced to responsible position in order that they might use the means at their command for the public benefit which they would otherwise not do. Subsequent events will prove which of these two policies was the right one.

§3. AN UNPROVOKED War.—ADO

¶52 The Ìbàdàns were not long at home before they found another pretext for marching out. for slave raiding. The Ifẹ̀s, seeking an occasion against Mọ́dàkẹ́kẹ́, but mindful of the past were afraid to attack them direct, and secretly invited the Are and gave up the town to him. So the Ìbàdàn army left home again, under the Are, on the 8th December, 1873.

¶53 He rendezvoused between Ile Igbo and Kuta, villages of Ìwó, and was just preparing to cross the Osun river and march against Mọ́dàkẹ́kẹ́ when the Ifẹ̀s thought better of their offer and regretted their rashness. They now prayed the Are to leave. Mọ́dàkẹ́kẹ́ alone ; for it occurred to them that there was no wall separating the two towns, and what would prevent the wild soldiery of Ìbàdàn from rushing from one to the other? They would just be bringing disaster on their own heads.

¶54 So the Are desisted. The Ìbàdàn army then marched to the Èkìtì country with no express object in view. The Are now remembered that he had lost a brother in the Agbado war, when they were waylaid by the Balógun of Ado! He now made up his mind to destroy the Ado country.

¶55 The Ados met them at Iyin a frontier town of theirs, and were routed in a single pitched battle on or about the 16th of January 1874. They could not rally, so the Ìbàdàns made an easy conquest of the whole district. Men, women, and children were captured without the slightest attempt at resistance. So many were the captives and so much the booty, that the campaign appeared more like a promenade.

¶56 The king of Ado entered the Ìbàdàn camp in full regal attire attended by a few followers who had nearly all stolen behind him ere he could get to the Are’s tent.

¶57 The Are received him with every mark of honour and respect ; he now remembered that his second wife was a native of Ado and so he would do honour to her king. He obtained for him 41 of his wives, 21 of his children, 30 of his chiefs, and bought him a horse and caparison for 3 slaves, and re-instated him. The Ìbàdàn army arrived behind their town wall on the 21st February and entered in a triumphant procession on the 22nd.

¶58 The conquest of Ado was so easy that not a chief was missing, but Akeredolu, the Ọ̀tún Sẹ́rìkí, who signalized himself in the Ilẹ̀ṣà and Ògèdèngbé wars was taken ill, and remained two months at Ìlá but growing worse was brought home to die on the 5th April, 1874. His brother Àjàyí Osungbekun succeeded him both as head of their father’s house, and in his office of Ọ̀tún Sẹ́rìkí.

§ 4. THE ARE’S ADMINISTRATION

¶60 Latosisa the Are-ona-kakanfo at the commencement of his administration ruled with great clemency, but after this successful expedition be began to show himself a Kakanfò with all the characteristics of a Kakanfò—obstinacy, recklessness, blood thirstiness.

¶61 The Are’s first act after his return from Ado was directed against Efusetan the Iyalode or Ladies’ Queen. The charges against her were :—-1. That she did not accompany him to the war. 2. That she never sent him supplies during the campaign. 3. That she did not come in person to meet him outside the town wall to congratulate him on his safe return.

¶62 He was, therefore, resolved to depose her and this was done on the 1st of May, 1874, and Iya Ola her Ọ̀tún (first lieutenant) was promoted to the office.

¶63 Iya Ola was very reluctant to accept the office, but the Are sent a peremptory message to her to say, if she refused, she was to take a single cloth and a head tie, and leave the town immediately. She was obliged to accept the title. We may mention in passing that Efusetan herself took the title from her chief a former Iyalode, who, from adverse circumstances lost her wealth, whilst fortune smiled on Efusetan. She lived to see Efusetan deprived both of the title and of her life.

¶64 When men or women of high rank and great social position are deposed, it means that their death is determined upon; but if they have fallen into poverty and insignificance and so have lost influence before deposition, their death is not insisted upon.

¶65 In order to save her life, Efusetan with lavish gifts sought the aid and interposition of all the influential chiefs, paid the fines imposed upon her, but all to no purpose.

¶66 It must be remarked that many of the chiefs were against this treatment of the Iyalode, but the Are at this time was haughty and unapproachable. She was summoned to the meeting of the Town Council on the 22nd of June and was publicly disgraced, after which she was told that she was pardoned ; but when a few days after the voice of the Agan was heard in the night (i.e. the Egugun that executes women) it was known that her death was resolved upon.

¶67 But the Iyalode could not be openly attacked. It has been made one of the constitutional laws of the town that there was to be no civil war, that if any chief ventured on one, whether his case be right or wrong the whole town was to rise against him and crush him. All that could now be done was to effect her death by some means or other, either by poison, or by direct violence when unguarded.

¶68 Kumuyilo the Iyalode’s adopted son and her relatives were heavily bribed by the Are and his abettors, to murder her in cold blood! The Iyalode spent miserable days and nights suspicious of every sound and movement. She changed her sleeping place from night to night as she could not trust any of her domestics. She prepared her food herself, could not go out of doors, received no visitors, as she did not know from what quarter the fatal blow would fall. At length on the night of June 30th, 1874 knowing where she slept, two slaves instructed by Kumuyilo entered the room from the ceiling and dashed out her brains. The next morning, when her death was reported, she was accorded a public funeral befitting her rank and having no son of her own the Are installed Kumuyilo her adopted son as head of the house.

¶69 The late Madam Efusetan was an Ẹ̀gbá by birth but made Ìbàdàn her home, where she grew to be very rich. The Ẹ̀gbás hearing of her death sent to ask the cause of it. This made the Ìbàdàn chiefs, who were against the cruel deed, declare their innocence leaving the onus of it upon the Are. To show their displeasure in the matter they demanded of the Are at the public meeting to prove his innocence by producing the murderers. He tried by one way or another to evade the question : they rejected his excuses, the meeting became stormy and they adjourned in a rage. The Are was ill at ease, fearing a general sedition against himself; hence he summoned a meeting daily to settle this matter, and to have a reply for the Ẹ̀gbá messengers.

¶70 On the 8th of July the town was in a feverish excitement, for the chiefs demanded that Kumuyilo be summoned to the meeting.

¶71 Kumuyilo although the son of a notable citizen was brought to the meeting bound with cords, and compelled to name his accomplices. He named the Oluwo, the Balógun, and the Sebaloju. This last was the Are’s spokesman at public meetings. Of course, all present knew that he meant this for the Are himself whom he was afraid to name. Consequently it became clear that the first two chiefs of the town, the Are and the Balógun, were the doers of the deed, and if due justice were to be done, it was they who should atone for the crime with their lives ; but such a course would mean the destruction of the town. The rest of the chiefs, finding that Kumuyilo only carried out the orders of the rulers had not the conscience to order him to execution or rather to clamour for his life, they were content therefore to have him publicly disgraced, ordered out of the great lady’s house to his own humble dwelling, and appointed a distant relative as head of the house.

¶72 In this way the chiefs signified their displeasure at the action of their leaders, and these, conscious of guilt, could not oppose the verdict,

¶73 But as life must go for life, they further demanded the actual perpetrators of the deed to be produced. On the 10th of July, 1874 these two slaves were brought to the public meeting and the writer who saw them prostrating there before the chiefs saw them a few minutes later impaled at the Baṣọ̀run market. Thus ended the matter.

¶74 The Late Madam Efusetan as we have said was an Ẹ̀gbá by birth but made her home at Ìbàdàn. [There were several Ẹ̀gbás of note residing at Ìbàdàn at this time, Chief Lisibade being the head of them and Lanisa an Ẹ̀gbá was the Balógun of Lawoyin the Sẹ́rìkí]. She was very rich owning some 2,000 slaves in her farms alone exclusive of those at home. She had also her own captains of war and warboys. She had an only daughter who died in childbirth in 1860 and since that sad event took place she became strangely cruel to all her female slaves found in an interesting condition, using all cruel means to cause forcible abortion, most of which ended in death. And these things were known to the chiefs. Her property at her death was regarded as belonging to the state.

¶75 Omoko a distant relative was placed over the estate as the responsible man but her sister was the chief manager.

§ 5. THE EMURE War.

¶77 Chief Ògèdèngbé being driven out of Ilẹ̀ṣà gathered around himself a band of marauders infesting the Efon district. He also made himself obnoxious to the Ìbàdàns by attacking their tributary towns being bent upon harassing them in every way possible. For that "purpose he encamped against Ise an Ìbàdàn tributary town, and it had to apply to Ìbàdàn for help. On the 7th of December, 1874, the Are sent two of his powerful generals Iyapo the Sẹ́rìkí and Ilori the Òsì to relieve Ise.

¶78 The Are himself knowing the imprudence of such an appointment sent an elderly chief called Olupoyi to go with them as Baba Isale (chief adviser). The council of war was to be held in his tent, and he had to order the battle. He was their senior in age, but far inferior to the least of Iyapo's or Ilori's captains.

¶79 A wise policy this as these young men refused to submit to each other, although they agreed to submit to this old chief. Iyapo was the heir of the late Balógun Ibikunle, and was possessed of all his father’s men and his means. Moreover a brave Sẹ́rìkí considers himself second to the Balógun alone as he could leap from the one title to the other as his late father did, occupying as he did the same relative position to the young warriors, as the Balógun to the veterans.

¶80 Ilori was the heir of the late Baṣọ̀run Ògúnmọ́lá, he also was possessed of his father’s men and his prestige, and considered himself the senior in rank being the general commanding the commander-in-chief’s left, and generally taken as senior in rank. What they would not yield to each other they agreed to concede to this old chief out of deference to his age. The wisdom of the the advice of Bále Orowusi may be indirectly noticed here also.

¶81 But the fame and prestige of Iyapo far eclipsed that of Ilori, and he was virtually the leader of the expedition ; where he encamped there all encamped, and when he struck his tent all were bound to be on the move.

¶82 Ògèdèngbé hearing of their approach raised the siege of Ise and escaped again to his stronghold at Ita Ogbolu. The Ìbàdàn army not willing to return home empty-handed went against Emure which was giving supplies to Ògèdèngbé at Ise. The town was taken the next day but all the fighting men escaped in a body.

¶83 The Sẹ́rìkí became ill after this, and it was with difficulty he could reach Ìlá the sanatorium of the Ìbàdàns in all their

¶84 Èkìtì and other wars in those parts: there he remained until he was well enough to come home.

¶85 As it would not be wise for all the army to remain at Ìlá until his recovery, they returned home on the 15th of February, 1875.

¶86 The Sẹ́rìkí was well enough to leave Ìlá about six weeks later ; he arrived outside the town wall of Ìbàdàn on the 28th of March, and there most of the members of the expedition who had returned home joined him to grace his triumphal entry the next day. The joy, the excitement, and the enthusiasm attending the pageantry of this young man so moved the whole town that the like of it had scarcely ever been seen. Whilst it stirred the envy of some to its very depth, it excited the admiration of others. Thus a young man was heard to say "If I enjoy such a glory for only one day and I die the next, I shall be content."

¶87 On the 7th of April following died that distinguished veteran and commander-in-chief Ali a former Balógun of Ìwó who was expelled by a civil fight from Ìwó to Ìbàdàn.