Chapter 27. A Rift In The Clouds

§ 1. A TuRNING POINT

¶2 WHEN everything was thus dark and gloomy for the Ibadans, quite unexpectedly, on the 17th December, 1882, Ijebu messengers arrived in the town to negotiate for peace between the two countries !

¶3 The messengers were received at thé Are’s gate at Ibadan. They were hooted at in the streets and called all sorts of names, being taken for spies. Their message was however conveyed to the war chiefs in the camp and the home authorities were instructed to send a messenger back along with them to ascertain the truth of their statements.

¶4 The hearts of all were made glad on the return of the messengers when they heard that the Ijebus were sincere in their overtures for peace. Ajako the messenger sent reported that about 800 of the Ogbonis met at Ort and without a dissentient voice all agreed to make peace. Ten kegs of powder and ten bags of salt were the presents sent to the Are and war chiefs as a token of their goodwill. These sent as return presents slaves, gowns, and sheep. Thus peace was concluded with the Ijebus and trading relations resumed. Provisions which were scarce at Ijebu were taken down and bartered for salt, and cheap foreign made cloths and cutlery, the Ijebus for the present forbidding the exportation of powder and firearms. What led to this negotiation for peace has been told in a previous chapter (vide p. 451). And again, the Ijebus, being essentially a commercial people, their only market for interior products and for disposing of their wares from the coast was closed to them since the commencement of the war, and scarcity of foodstuffs caused much distress among them also, and yet the Egbas, whose cause they were espousing—having no grievance of their own—had managed to open markets for themselves, first at Ketu and Ejio, subsequently nearer home at Eruwa by which their own wants were relieved. The Ijebus had no such outlet ; they were therefore inclined towards peace with Ibadan, but the Awujale their king was for prosecuting the war vigorously for which purpose he ordered the Balogun out to encamp at Oru, from whence he might send raiding expeditions out to the Ibadan farms. We have seen the disaster that befel them on the roth of April, 1881, and the

¶5 capture of the Balogun of Ijebu’s brother, who was sent back by the Ibadans to effect a good understanding between them and the Ijebus. That episode made a deep impression on the Ijebus, and ever since they had been working for peace against the wish of the Awujale, and a small clique about him ; but a quiet revolution had been going on towards this end. The people were now determined to have the road open in spite of the Awujale, and this led to something like a civil war as will be seen below.

¶6 Another Ilorin Episode.—Simultaneously with this event was the arrival of a peace embassy from the Sultan of Gando to the Ilorin and Ibadan camps. The Ibadan chiefs, who would not listen to any overtures from the Ilorins, knowing their treachery, paid more regard to these messengers, gave them a cordial welcome, treated them respectfully, believing them to be sincere. To show their willingness to accept peace with Dorin the Are sent home for about 60 of the Ilorin captives at Ibadan, who were men of influence, and sent them all home on horseback. Moreover they accepted all the terms offered by the Ilorins. Peace was so far concluded that the opposing armies at Ofa exchanged visits with each other. Several Ibadan and Ofa people even passed on to Ilorin and traders on both sides who had been shut up in other towns hailed the opportunity of returning home, and others did a good trade as far as Bida in potash and salt while the opportunity lasted.

¶7 But still the Iorins refused to raise the siege of Ofa, on the contrary they insisted on the Ibadan contingent going away. The Ibadans on the other hand promised that not only would they leave Ofa, but also that they would not claim the overlordship of that city, they would hand it over to Ilorin, but only on one condition, namely, that the town be not destroyed; but as they were there to defend that town they could not retire except the siege was first raised. This test of the sincerity of motives of the Ilorins being insisted on, the negotiations failed and hostilities were resumed.

§ 2. RAMBLING TALKS OF PEACE

¶9 The Rev. David Hinderer, a retired missionary of the C.MS., who for many years had laboured in Yoruba land and who continued to take a lively interest in the country and its people, addressed a letter to the representatives of the tribes residing at Lagos on the difficulties present in the interior, well knowing the tribal feelings and jealousies existing at Lagos which were fanning the flames of the hostilities in the hinterland. He invoked them as patriots and especially as Christians to see that all tribal feelings and jealousies be set aside in the interests of peace to their fatherA RIFT IN THE CLOUDS 481

¶10 land, and that they should act in concert in order to restore good understanding among their fellowmen, and prosperity to their unhappy country.

¶11 This led to a representative gathering at Lagos of the elders of the different tribes, in which it was resolved that a deputation should wait upon the Lieut.-Governor Alfred Moloney, on the subject of peace between the interior tribes. Those appointed for the purpose were: The Rev. Jas. Johnson, Pastor of St. Paul’s Breadfruit, Messrs. Henry Robbin and I.-H. Willoughby, native merchants. They waited on the Governor on the 8th of December, 1882, and presented the following resolution :

¶12 “At a meeting of the representative elders of the different tribes, Yorubas, Egbas, Ijebus, Ijesas Ifes and Ondos, held at the Breadfruit parsonage on the 7th of December, 1882, in reference to the long-standing warfare in the interior, from which both the interior countries and Lagos have suffered, the following resolution was after a full consideration of the subject unanimously adopted :

¶13 ‘That this meeting, convinced of the ex-king Dosumu’s influence with the kings and chiefs of the interior, though he no more exercise regal power in Lagos, and this is known everywhere in the interior, decides that a deputation composed of nominated representatives of the different tribes be appointed to wait upon him, and respectfully solicit his interference with the King of Jebu and the other kings and chiefs in the interior for the peaceable settlement of the interior difficulty, His Excellency the Governor of Lagos having been first respectfully informed of it, and the countenance and support of his influence had.’ (Sgd.) Jas. JOHNSON.”

¶14 His Excellency the Governor replied that no one was more desirous than Her Majesty to see peace restored among the people of the interior, and with such an object so far as counsel, advice and moral influence went, he would not hesitate to do all he could in Lagos. Giving the deputation distinctly to understand that neither Dosumu nor his chiefs were allowed to exercise any rule in the settlement ; yet the Governor considered that he would best suit the interest of the Government and meet the aim of the community by having a meeting of the ex-king and his chiefs, at which he would allow to be introduced the members of the deputation who could then repeat the resolution on which he would then for himself hear the views of Dosumu and his chiefs.

¶15 The meeting accordingly took place on the 11th, at which, after some introductory remarks by the Governor, the Rev. Mr. Johnson

¶16 repeated the resolution, explained the desire of the community and advanced his hopes.

¶17 King Dosumu next spoke but said nothing of importance.

¶18 He was followed by the Apena, who acted as spokesman for the king and the remaining chiefs, conveying that they would like the matter reported to the Queen, and if they were then asked to exercise their influence with the king and chiefs of Ijebu they would willingly do so.

¶19 One and all they’expressed their desire for peace. In support of the aim of the community Messrs. Robbin and Willoughby also spoke forcibly.

¶20 We may remark that the Apena evinced such caution and reluctance in the matter of action as desired because of the trouble he fell into in 1875 during the administration of Governor Dumaresq when he was personally forbidden by the Lieut.-Governor Lees to interfere in Ijebu matters.

¶21 The Governor said that if Dosumu and the chiefs would put to loyal advantage their influence in the matter of the restoration of peace to the country he was confident that Her Majesty’s Government would be appreciative of any such effort ; and that a general move for good in the way of an honest endeavour to restore peace was very different to direct and meddlesome interference in the interior economy of a government such as Ijebu.

¶22 This movement was the first of a series of fruitless meetings held at Lagos between the years 1882 and 1892 which had for their object the restoration of peace in the hinterland by the exercise of ‘influence.” The subsequent meetings however were not under the zegis of the Government but among the tribal representatives themselves.

¶23 The ALAFIN’S letter to Lieut.-Governor Griffiths in 1881 made it clear that it requireda higher power which commanded the respect of the combatants on both sides to make them lay down their arms.

¶24 The ALAFIN’sS messenger emphasised the fact over and over that nothing less than an armed intervention could prevail upon the belligerents to decamp.

¶25 But then the interior at that time was so little known that people living at ease and security at Lagos had no idea of those arduous circumstances of life that moved men resolute and brave to protect their interests by the sinews of their own right arms. Probably there were not half a dozen men in all Lagos, certainly not among the “influential’’ personages—so-called—who knew the exact state of things prevailing in the interior, or we would have heard less of the ‘‘ influence ’’ which the ex-king of Lagos or the Awujale of Ijebu Ode was able to exert with the heroes of

¶26 a Homeric struggle, incapable as they were to intervene with a force or to guarantee safety for an hour; nor was it apparent by what means they could sheath the sword of men who meant business.

¶27 What was happening at Ijebu at that very moment furnishes an amusing commentary on the resolution read before the Governor, and affords incontestible proofs of how little Lagosians knew about up country affairs, not even of what was going on, so to speak, at their very doors and also of what value the Awujale would be in the matter of peace.

¶28 The tribal parties at Lagos evidently missed the point of Mr. Hinderer’s letter. The idea expressed in their resolution and their procedure seemed rather far-fetched, and roundabout, except the object had been to show that the Awujale of Ijebu was an important personage.

¶29 The remarks of Apelidiagba to the Governor General, Sir Samuel Rowe, which served to wreck the peace embassy initiated by the ALAFIN were dictated at Lagos ; the same expression had been used before by the Ijesa representatives to the Lieut.-Governor W. B. Griffiths. As the tribal antagonism of compatriots at Lagos served to inflame and excite the belligerents, so unanimity amongst them might serve to soothe their feelings and dispose them to yield even at a mere message—say—of the Governor, behind whom there was known to be a force of incalculable weight. Such was the intention of Mr. Hinderer.

¶30 On the 26th of December,1882, the Apena waited on the Governor tointimate to His Excellency that he was the person deputed by the ex-king and council to proceed to Ijebu on the above mission.

THE APENA’S: REPORT

¶32 The Report makes long and tedious reading, but the following extract is the gist of the same.

¶33 The Apena of Lagos who was sent up on a mission to the Awujale of Ijebu with the object of adopting measures for putting an end to the war in the interior, left Lagos on the 28th December, 1882, and landing at the first Ijebu port at Ito Ike, he learnt of the civil commotion at Ijebu Ode the chief town, and instead of sleeping there for the night he left at midnight, went through bush paths with lighted torches and by forced march reached Ijebu Ode by daybreak. He lost no time, but was announced by the Apena of Ijebu Ode to the Awujale, who granted him an audience at once.

¶34 The Apena told in few words the object of his visit and what gave rise to it, v7z., a letter written by a retired missionary to the representatives of all the interior tribes at Lagos in the interest of

¶35 peace ; and that his mission was at the instance of the ex-King Dosumu and his council, with the approval of the Governor of Lagos.

¶36 The Awujale, after hearing the Apena’s mission, requested him to proceed to the Ijebu camp at Ord to deliver the same to the war chiefs there. But the Apena would like to know the King’s mind, as it was most likely the war chiefs would ask, ‘‘ What did he say to your message? ’’ The King then said he could not give an authoritative reply to a political message without the advice of his councillors, and that they were all disaffected now, and were deserting the town. The Apena might be able to find out why they were leaving the town. But he might mention that the object of the Apena’s mission, strange to say, bears strongly on the present condition of things at Ijebu, viz., the restoration of peace in the interior. That it was with the advice of all his councillors, the Osugbos, Ipampas, Ilamurins, and the Ogboni Odis, that he embarked on hostilities against Ibadan, and that he sent messengers to the sixteen kings of the Ekiti confederates, also to the king of Ilorin, to the ALAFIN of Oyo and others before he commenced hostilities, and he promised the Ijesas and Ekitis his support in breaking off the Ibadan yoke ; and now after entering into an agreement with all these kings his own people turned round and said they desired peace with Ibadan, and he was to break his word to the other kings !

¶37 The war chiefs by his commands are at Ort as a base of operation against the Ibadan farms, but why were the civil chiefs deserting the town for the village of Imowo? The Apena might be able to ascertain the reason when he got there. The Apena of Tjebu Ode told him that the civil chiefs were having a meeting that day at Imowo and that he was to be quick so that he might meet them all together.

¶38 Accordingly, the Apena on his way to the Ijebu camp at Oru passed through the village of Imowo, where he met about 320 of the Ogbonis and others. He told them his mission and three times they asked him, “Is it customary with you at Lagos to settle a quarrel or not?” He replied in the affirmative. ‘‘ Then,’’ said they, ‘“‘ we are of the same mind.” They said, moreover, that they had been there seven days since, under great personal discomforts, to interpose between the Awujale and the war chiefs at Ort who were bent on a civil fight, as the Awujale wouldnot listen to any arrangement to terminate hostilities and bring peace and prosperity to the country. He was to hasten at once to Ort as the war chiefs were holding a council there “ today ” and the result might be somestrenuous measures. Hedidso,

¶39 and met them just dispersing from the meeting, but they resumed their seats when they saw him. He related to them the object of his mission and the Balogun asked him, “‘ Is it customary with you at Lagos to settle a quarrel or not?” He replied in the affirmative ; the Balogun then turned to the chiefs and people asking them what they thought of the message of the community of Lagos by the Apena about the restoration of peace in the interior and resumption of friendly relations? The answer was one loud shout of joy.

¶40 The Balogun thereupon told his own story. For the last seven years (said he) they had been stationed at Ort to carry on hostilities against the Ibadans, they had spent their all, their money and their goods gone, and they were nowimpoverished. “‘ You may have heard of the fame of Ibadan,” said he. ‘‘ Do you think anyone in his senses can go against such a people with a pouchful of parched corn? ’’—No.—Then as the King has made his statements, by the leave of the war chiefs the Apena should patiently hear their own verison.

¶41 The Balogun then proceeded to say that they had no cause of quarrel with the Ibadans but were drawn to one by the Egbas. That the same thing was done in 1860-62 during the Ijaye war, the Egbas sent to them to say two Oyos were fighting, and they were going to flog them both; but on the contrary it was the Ibadans that flogged both the Egbas and Ijayes. The scene of battle was changed from Ijaye to Oke kere in the Remg district, and there was an appalling amount of bloodshed before they succeeded in driving the Ibadans home: but that they, the Ijebus, were then impressed with the irony of the whole situation: the Ibadans were there to defend Ijebu towns against the Egbas, ‘“‘ and we joined the Egbas in fighting them !| After all, we were the losers because the result was the destruction of so many towns in the Remg districts. And with all their pretensions the Egbas were no men. Akodudu was the only brave man we saw amongst them in those days.”

¶42 Then the Egbas needlessly went and interfered with the Ibadans in their new road to Porto Novo which was the origin of the present imbroglio, and sold 1,460 persons of those who went to trade amongst them, and they had involved them (the Ijebus) in the quarrel. Some distinguished and influential Ijebu chiefs who disapproved of the war had been ruined by the Awujale and would have been killed but that they escaped from the country.

¶43 “We attacked the Ibadan farms and caught three men, but the home garrison chased us and caught 143 of us! The Are of Ibadan not only released them, but sent them back by one Dawodu, with

¶44 emblematic messages, v7z., a ‘fan, Osin feather, and a white sash. But the Awujale kept listening to the advice of ill-disposed persons who were against peace, representing the message from the Areasa false message, originating from the Balogun, who, knowing salt to be dear at Ibadan, wished to drive a lucrative trade therefrom ! After a while Oluguna the Awujale’s own slave, who was caught by the Ibadans in our raids, was sent back with a present of twelve slaves to the Balogun with a message that he should assist him to beg the Awujale. The Awujale approved of his receiving the presents, but arranged that future messengers should come to himself direct by a new road, and not by the old route through Ort where the Balogun was stationed. This of course they did not mind, thinking he might thereby be amenable to peace.

¶45 “ After this, the Are of Ibadan sent messengers to the Awujale several times, and each time with presents, 72 slaves in all, valuable cloths, a demijohn of segi beads and acrown ! All which he appropriated but still would not declare the roads open for commerce so that we here might return home. On the contrary, he sent an army to Isoya to aid the Ifes in destroying Modakeke. We are suffering, and the Egbas on whose account we embarked on this suicidal policy are trading on their own account at Erebu. But the Awujale entered into all sorts of intrigues with the men of Iwo, Ede, Modakeke, Ife, and the Ijesas, and all Ijebus were scandalized at this after receiving so much from the Ibadans!” They attributed it to the fact that since his accession he never removed to the palace of the kings but remained in his mother’s house, where he was accessible to everybody, and he followed other advices than those of the official councillors. Hence they were determined he should reside in the palace if needs be with their guns, or he must be deposed. They told the Apena he was free to inform the Awujale of their determination, nobody else would tell him. He promised them he would.

¶46 He thereupon went back to the king and remonstrated with him. The determination of his people was that he should remove to the palace, demolish his present residence, send away his sons from him, as by custom they were to visit him only once a year, and that he was to execute all his bad advisers.

¶47 The King demurred. He said that kings should reside in the

¶48 1A fan in Yoruba is Abébé the root bé means to beg. Osin is a water bird. Sin in Yoruba means to serve A white sash—white is an emblem of peace.

¶49 The message means, we beg you, we will serve you, let there be peace between us.

¶50 palace true, but he declined to receive orders from the people, and he could not be compelled to do so.

¶51 After much remonstrance, showing him the evils of life in exile, reminding him of Akitoye’s case at Lagos, etc., he prevailed upon him to yield. He asked him to take a retrospective view of his life and try to meet the wants of his people: that there was a time when he commanded and his people obeyed ; now they command and he must obey. He had been fed by God hitherto with honey but now He gave him a taste of bitter herbs: the King would not refuse that.

¶52 After much difficulty he obtained for the Awujale five days’ grace in which to carry out the demands of the people, viz., to demolish his present residence, send his sons away, and execute his bad advisers. (These marked victims, however, escaped to Epe, an Ijebu town in the Lagos protectorate.)

¶53 There was a great deal more of complications attending this business, but he (the Apena) should not meddle with Ijebu internal affairs.

¶54 The King reluctantly took leave of him and wished there were many like him for the sake of affairs of the country: he gave him two bags of cowries, and he left Ijebu Ode on the 9th inst. via Epe for Lagos. On the roth the King’s ‘‘ ill advisers ’’ who were marked for destruction met him at Epe, he advised Agbaje, the chief ruler of Epe, not to deliver them up for death but rather refer the case to the Governor of Lagos through Dosumu. The mat whereon he sat at Epe, valued about 20 heads of cowries, was given him as a present, and they expressed high appreciation of his services in bringing the affairs in Ijebu to such a peaceful issue. He arrived at Lagos early on the 12th of January, 1883.

¶55 The following létters marked A, B and C from Agbaje, the Balogun of Epe (an Ijebu port subject to Lagos), to the Governor of Lagos, will show us the condition of the Ijebus at that time and the sequel to the Apena’s visit.

¶56 Letter A.

¶57 SiR,—I have the honour of informing your Excellency that I have had the mind of laying before your Excellency’s information the other day when here in H.M.S. Gertrude the quarrel between the King of Ijebu and His Majesty’s subjects who compose His Majesty’s war camp at a place called Ord in the Ijebu territory.

¶58 The King’s subjects said that they would not fight against the Ibadans any more: they having made three subsequent raids on the Ibadan’s farms but were not successful, therefore

¶59 they are tired of fighting ; they are threfore desirous of making peace with the Ibadans and then resume trade.

¶60 The King not agreeing to peace-making but determined to carry his purpose in fighting with the Ibadans. He does not want any thing else but war. His Majesty’s subjects said in charges against him that since he has been proclaimed the King of Ijebu he was never seen to sit on the king’s throne, he resides in his mother’s house. He was requested by his subjects to sit on the throne as were his predecessors and to yield to the peace-making with the Ibadans. These the King refused to accept but determines to fight with the Ibadans and no peace. His Majesty’s subjects are being prepared to fight a civil war with their king and to have him dethroned while the King is being prepared also to resist their purpose !

¶61 The King and the subjects are now ready to fight the civil war. I have however, sent three messengers to the King at different times towards peace-making, but he would not permit me and my chiefs. Notwithstanding my further effort in sending the fourth message to the camp at Ort, but I am afraid they will not accept my offer. In a plain word, war is imminent. Your Excellency may say I have not given you a due notice. If I am successful all right otherwise I could not help.

¶62 I have the honour, etc., AGBAJE, Balogun of Epe. December 25th, 1882.

¶63 [NOTE that this letter was written three days before the Apena left Lagos, but the news it contained was not known before he

¶64 left.]

¶65 Letter B. The Balogun of Epe’s second letter to the Governor of Lagos. January 2th, 1883.

¶66 S1R,—I have the honour to asknowledge the receipt of your Excellency’s letter of the 27th December and noted its contents.

¶67 As per my promise in my last letter that I have sent message to the Ijebus at Ortin the way of mediation—mediation between them and their King—and as I also promised to you the result of such message, the messenger has returned saying that it is a quarrel between a father and his son, we have no hand in it and that in a few days after that I heard that the Apena from Lagos has arrived in the camp thinking that he would settle the matter, but sorry he could not do it, it is still continued.

¶68 Since the Apena has left the camp and Ijebu Ode to this

¶69 place and proceeded to Lagos, the King’s sons have been driven away together with four of his notable slaves with their men. When they left the country (? town) Ode they did not stop in any of the Ijebu districts but came right offto Epe. Iam hearing that the fugitives will be pursued by their opponents, and that wherever they are met with the country (? town) will be destroyed. And now, acting to the advice of your Excellency’s, viz., that I should be neutral in the matter, so I do but in considerating I am determined not to give up the fugitives to their pursuers. I will not do it to please anyone. Your Excellency’s obedient servant, AGBAJE, Balogun of Epe.

¶70 [NOTE this letter was written on the very day the Apena reached Lagos. ]

¶71 Lettey C. The Balogun of Epe’s third letter to the Governor of Lagos.

¶72 January 15th, 1883. S1R,—Since mine of four days ago, things here have continued in the zigzag manner. To-day the King of Ijebu Awujale has left his town Ijebu Ode and has arrived at this place (Epe). His Majesty’s complaints are that he was requested by his subjects to reside in his father’s house, he has done so. To drive away his sons, and to accept the opening of the roads to Ibadan, and these he has yielded to. Not satisfying with these, they further requested him to go to sleep—meaning that he should die. This he will not do as he is not ready to leave the world when it does not please God to take him away yet from the world he will not force it. Seeing that Epe is his country and he had had a house there before, therefore he

¶73 returned to his home. I remain your obedient servant, AGBAJE, Balogun of Epe.

¶74 [NOTE that the above was written only three days after the return of the Apena to Lagos, when he was supposed to have settled everything. ]

¶75 Thus ended the movement at Lagos which had for its object the termination of the deadly struggle going on at Kiriji by means of the “‘ influence ”’ of Dosumu the ex-King of Lagos, and Afidipote, now the ex-King of the Ijebus.

§ 3. DESPERATE MOVEMENTS

¶77 The following letter, addressed to some gentlemen at Lagos, will show how straitened the Ibadans now were, from the use of the rifles against them.

¶78 To J. H. WiLitoucusy, Esq,., D. C. Tarwo, Esq., SUMONU ANIMASAWUN, Esq., SHITTA, Esq., And all Lacos Oyos or YORUBAS,

¶79 S1rs,—We, the Are and Chiefs of Ibadan, send you our greetings.

¶80 We have written and sent a special messenger to you and that letter was our first to you, on the subject of the present war. We there mentioned that the Ijesas of Lagos have supplied their brethren with superior weapons of war, and that we believe the Lagos Government had no hands in it. Our grounds for believing so was this. We have sent a specimen of the rifle shots that they have been fighting us with to the Lieut.Governor W. B. Griffiths by the hands of his messengers, Messrs. Kester and Wilson, asking at the same time whether it was the Government who was supplying them with the same. Our messengers who accompanied them down returned with two different kinds of cartridges, one for the Henry Martini, and the other for the Government rifles, and word was sent by our messengers that their ammunitions of war were quite different from the specimens sent. We believe them so far and have agreed that they should act the part of a peace-maker.

¶81 But soon after our letter was written we were informed from good authority that influential people of Lagos, who could not have left the colony without the Government’s notice, have actually left Lagos, and have been fighting with us with superior weapons of war, viz., with the Gattling gun, and with plenty Sneiders.

¶82 We undertake to mention the names given to us, v1z., T. F. Cole, Esq., Labirinjo, Esq., F. Astrope, Esq., Messrs. Campbell and Osifila, and that Mr. Vaughan was hired as the artillery man. How isit that such eminent men should leave the colony without the Governor’s notice ?

¶83 The Ijesas may truly plead that they are fighting for their country, but we have written to the Lagos Government telling them the cause of this war. It was they who first originated the war by encamping against Ikirun and their watchword was “Odo Oba ni Ala.”’ The Oba river will be the boundary ;

¶84 that is to say Iwo at a day’s journey from us will be annexed to their own territory ! They were once defeated and this is a second confederation ; and we have said, and do say now, that we are in our frontier protecting the Oyo provinces from their inroads.

¶85 Trusting you would give the matter your serious consideration for the interest of your country and people. We submit the matter to you, our kinsmen, that you bring the matter before the Government, that an enquiry be made if the above-mentioned persons could be found in the settlement.

¶86 We have the honour, etc.,

¶87 Latosisa, A.O.K. and the IBADAN CHIEFS.

¶88 The above letter was read by the Yorubas of Lagos and was published anonymously. Mr. F. Astrope was at that time farming at Aiyesan, although all the same he and the other Lagos Ijesas were there in the interest of trade, or rather for easy transport to their country, but did not actually go to Ilesa, much less to the Ekiti camp to fight. He now brought pressure to bear upon the editor of the newspaper which published the letter, and I. H. Willoughby was disclosed as responsible for its publication.

¶89 Mr. Astrope then took legal proceedings against Mr. Willoughby for libel and was awarded damages of £50.

¶90 The Ibadan war chiefs did not content themselves with the letter to the Oyo descendants at Lagos alone in general but wrote also two other letters, one to Mr. D. C. Taiwo, on May 26th, 1884, by one Joseph Osunrinde, and the other to Sumonu Animasawun onthe 6th of June, 1884, by one Otesile. Both letters bearing the same contents, v2z.:

¶91 ‘‘ As the Ijesas are determined to spoil the Yoruba country, and their countrymen at Lagos are supplying them with European weapons of war, we send (here the messenger’s name) to you for a supply of Sneider rifles with cartridges, and we promise to pay in palm oil and palm kernels which we are collecting for the purpose. We wish you to arrange with the Balogun of Ijebu in order that our produce might reach you,” etc., etc.

¶92 ‘““'We are, “ LaTosisa, A.O.K.,” Etc., etc.

¶93 Warned by what happened to Mr. Willoughby, great caution was displayed. The following was the reply sent by one who styles himself—A Yoruba.

¶94 Shitta Street, Lagos. June 16th, 1884.

THE ARE-ONA-KAKANFO, DEAR GENTLEMEN,

¶96 I hope this to meet you in a good health as I am at present. Your message has been delivered to us and we note your saying. Doubtless whatever thing you are wanting, if you give Ijebu goods they will supply it to you. May God let this war settle sooner.

¶97 If you want to send here again, you must send to Government directly with King’s token, either walking-stick, or other instrument, but if you want to send to Yorubas, you can send it separately. You must believe all what your messenger will tell, and receive from them advice, for they have seen here and yonder. You must not send such person as foolish as Apara, for he is thoughtless person. If you want to send here again, you must elect clever and wise person in order that your wishes may be attended to; and you must not send verbal message, all that you have to do must be written in letters.

¶98 With kind regards and best wishes.

¶99 Yours very faithfully and affectionately, A YORUBA.

¶100 Thus the Ibadans received no help whatever from their compatriots at Lagos. However, with the deposition and expulsion of the Awujale from his capital, the strain between Ibadan and the Ijebus became relaxed. Through Chief Kuku of Ijebu Ode, who had resided at Ibadan for many years, as well as through the Balogun of Ijebu, and from private traders through the Ijebu country, the Ibadans were now able to obtain at very high prices some rifles and ammunition, just sufficient to render their position more secure at Kiriji. The guns were sold to them at the rate of £10 to {15 a piece, and the cartridges at 6d. each—prices which (considering the scarcity of money and the general impoverishment induced by this prolonged war) only men in desperate condition would care to pay. Sanusi, the Are’s eldest son, was the first to purchase a few, then Lady Omosa, the daughter of the late Basorun Ogunmola, procured a few for her nephew Kongi, who was now the head of the house. After this the possession of a rifle became a general thing, every war chief trying to get a few for himself. For this purpose many had to sell their slaves and slave wives, a matter of pain and grief to them, as altogether contrary to their custom, but the body politic must be preserved at all costs.

¶101 Now and then contributions had to be made at home from those in easier circumstances. To assist those at the seat of war the chiefs in council ordered that those who are well-to-do, and every large compound, should give an equivalent of a slave each, and smaller compounds should combine and do the same. But the messengers often exacted much more than they were authorised to receive, and were rather indiscriminate in their exactions: the distress in the country in consequence can well be imagined, with practically the closure of the roads for trade and the restriction of farming through the kidnappers.

¶102 Bad as things were on the Ibadan side latterly it was almost worse on the Ekiti side where Ogedemgbe’s Ipayes (war-boys) helped to impoverish the country by a sort of licensed robbery. . The town of Ilesa was all but deserted through their rapacities before a peremptory stop was put to their excesses. Even the more important Ekiti kings, e.g., the Ajero of Ijero, the Oworé of Otun and the Olojudo of Ido had'to be present at the seat of war ; not however in the camp, but in the town of Mesin Ipole. The Owa of Ilesa did not actually go to the field, but he had to leave home to reside at Ijebu Ere halfway to the town of Mesin Ipole.

¶103 Notwithstanding his expulsion, the ex-Awujale of Ijebu was not quiet in his place of exile, he kept moving those favourable to him to start a revolution in his favour: but as all were tired of the war nothing of consequence was done. He however sent his big slaves to Isoya to help Ogunsigun against the town of Modakeke.