Part II — Yoruba Kings and Contemporary Events
Fourth Period — Arrest of Disintegration, Inter-tribal Wars, the British Protectorate (Atiba to Adeyemi)
Chapter 26. Failures At Reconciliation
§ xr. THE ALAFIN’S EFFORTS FOR PEACE
¶2 AFTER the failure of Derin’s efforts, circumstances compelled the ALAFIN to make a genuine effort for the restoration of peace.
¶3 (a) The Dahomian ravages of the western district, and the threats to ‘‘ visit Oyo this coming dry season.”
¶4 (0) The men of the frontier towns sent to him to say that they will all desert their towns if the King could not send an army to protect them.
¶5 But the King’s most effective army are the Ibadans, and those with them and they are pre-occupied.
¶6 On the gth of October, 1881, he sent for the Rev. D. Olubi of Ibadan as head of the missionaries in the interior at the time, and with him “any two of his sensible colleagues.’””’ The order was obeyed on the 12th and the interview took place on the 13th.
¶7 There were present at the interview :
¶8 Two Oyo officials, viz., The-Olosi, who is the King’s vade mecum as it were, and the Apeka, who is the white men’s intermediary with the court.
¶9 Also Mr. Jonathan Ojelabi, the foremost Christian gentleman at Oyo at the time. These are of Oyo. The Rev. D. Olubi, Mr. J. Okusehinde, and the writer, both Catechists under Mr. Olubi at Ibadan. Also Mr. A. F. Foster, by whom the letter to Mr. Olubi was written for the King, being the C.M.S. Scripture Reader at Iseyin, and also the Aseyin’s messenger.
¶10 He consulted Mr. Olubi in particular as to the best way to reach the British Government to crave their assistance (1) to put an end to the fruitless war ravaging the country ; and (2) to offer a check to the Dahomian inroads into the Yoruba country.
¶11 He said that he was led to take this step as all his efforts to stop the war at its commencement failed, and also recently he fared no better. Also because the Egbas would intercept any messages of his to the coast.
¶12 It had happened more than once that when his messengers were at Abeokuta on peaceful errands then the Egbas would start an expedition against the Ibadans as if he egged them on to it. So it was at the time of the expedition against Ile Bioku, and also at a raiding expedition to the Ibadan farms, and twice in the
¶13 Oke Ogun districts. The Egbas would seize any letter that he wrote to the British Government, and he would be glad if Mr. Olubi could reach the British Government for him.
¶14 After some discussion it was finally arranged that a letter be written to the Lieut.-Governor W. Brandford Griffiths at Lagos, and another to the Rev. J. B. Wood, Secretary of the C.MS., requesting him to second his efforts ; and as he knows the country very well, toexplain matters to the Governor of Lagos on any point His Excellency may require further elucidation.
¶15 The Palace, Oyo. October 15th, 1881. To His EXcELLENCY, LIEUT.-GOVERNOR W. B. GRIFFITHS,
¶16 Sir—I hereby approach your Excellency and through you to the Imperial Government of England with this humble request : (1) My country has long been disturbed by a desultory war, which your Excellency well knows and which has put a stop to all trade and impoverished the country, and thousands of lives have perished by death or hopeless slavery.
¶17 I have several times undertaken to bring about the longdesired peace, but my efforts have from time to time been frustrated. Instead of terminating the war is extending, to threaten the utter extinction of the Yoruba race.
¶18 The Dahomians have taken advantage of this to ruin my kingdom. A few months ago seven towns have fallen a victim to their rapacities and Iseyin is now threatened. The next turn might be to my own royal city.
¶19 With all possible speed I beg that the Imperial Government —for which I have always a great respect—to come to my help. I crave your assistance both to come to settle this unfortunate war between the belligerent powers, and to stop the Dahomians who have made an inroad into my kingdom.
¶20 To assure your Excellency of my great anxiety I pledge myself to undergo any expenses if only peace be effected as the issue.
¶21 All my frontier towns are in great panic now, and if I make no stir to protect them they will all scatter and so I will undertake this in the coming dry season.
¶22 I mention this lest you may say after asking your help I make a movement.
¶23 I beg to remain,
ADEYEMI, KING OF THE YORUBAS.
¶25 The second letter, addressed to the Secretary of the C.M.S
¶26 The Palace, Oyo.
¶27 October 15th, 1881. THE Rev. J. B. Woop—
¶28 DEAR SiR,—I beg to approach you with my humble request : You might have heard of the desultory war in my kingdom which has been wasting its thousands. I have undertaken several times to effect peace, but my authority was not respected by the belligerent powers. And seeing that if this is not done in time, the extinction of the Yoruba race is inevitable I sent specially on the 9th inst. to call your representative here at Ibadan to consult with him how the Imperial Government might be reached that I might crave assistance to bring about the peace speedily.
¶29 Now, I humbly beg you to assist mein urging the Government to attend to this my request speedily. The letter addressed to the Government will be forwarded by you and please use your influence in this important matter for the sake of humanity to save my kingdom from extinction.
¶30 I am, etc., etc.,
ADEYEMI, KING OF THE YORUBAS.
§ 2. THE ALAFIN’S MESSENGER
¶33 The writer was the bearer of these letters via Oke Igbo, Ode Ondo, and the Mawen country to Lagos.
¶34 Simultaneous with the invitation by the ALAFIN to Oyo the Rev. D. Olubi received also a strange oral message from Derin of Oke Igbo by Solomon Olorunfimi the C.M.S. mailman to Lagos to the effect that as all the belligerents had applied to him to settle their differences for them, he wished Mr. Olubi to give him authority to do so, and if he was backed by him, he would have the confidence to act.
¶35 The fact was, that Derin was over-elated with the regard paid to him by all the principal states in Yoruba-land. Mr. Olubi, being then the head of the missionaries in the interior came to be regarded as the representative of the white man, and Derin, in his vanity, wished for the recognition also of the white man ; hence the message.
¶36 In sending the writer with the ALAFIN’ sletter to Lagos Mr. Olubi asked him to say to Derin that he had no power to authorize him, but that he was sending down to Lagos and that the messenger
¶37 would have an interview with the Governor of Lagos on the subject and would bring him word on his return.
¶38 The message was delivered to Derin and he said, ‘‘ Yes, I might settle their differences but for the presumptions of the Ibadans, who wished the confederates who are in their own country to decamp first, which thing is impossible.’’
¶39 At this time the Mawen a piratical tribe in the eastern waters of Lagos, and the people of Epe—an Ijebu town on the Lagoon— were fighting with each other, thus rendering the passage to Lagos from Ondo most difficult. The Epes had rashly declared war against the Mahins on account of their piratical habits; they fitted out their large war canoes, and scoured the lagoon to the Mahin districts. The Mahins in their small canoes easily escaped into the jungles and had no difficulty in shouldering their canoes into places of safety. The Epes, not meeting with any Mahin, wished also to scour the Ofara River on the other side. They dragged their war canoes over the bit of land separating the lagoon from the Ofara River about a mile distant ; this gave opportunity to the Mahins who lay hid in the jungles and behind large trees to shoot down the Epes without being seen, and so the latter were utterly defeated, and those who survived escaped to Itebu, and burnt some of their war canoes with their own hands while the rest fell into the hands of their enemies. Itebu is in the Lagos protectorate and consequently Manuwa the head chief, himself a Mahin, held himself neutral. But the Mahins besieged them at Itebu for three months and they had to ransom thei lives for a large sum of money before they were allowed to return home to Epe. But the Epes commanded the lagoon and would allow no Mahin canoe to proceed to Lagos.
¶40 Several Lagos traders in this district suffered by this war, and the Governor of Lagos had to come to these waters to restore order and rescue some of the Lagos traders from the Mahins.
¶41 Such was the disturbed state of things when the bearer of the ALAFIN’S letter to Lagos reached Ode Ondo. He was twelve days at Ondo before he foundit possible to proceed to Aiyesan, where he had to embark for Lagos, and eight days at Aiyesan before he could get a passage at all to Lagos.
¶42 His Excellency the Governor had several interviews with the ALAFIN’S messenger in order to learn from him particulars about the country, and the state of things there at present political and otherwise. He also interviewed the representative Oyos and Ijesas at Lagos separately, but these being ignorant of the real state of things in the interior at the time could do no more than display tribal jealousies of each other without conveying any useful
¶43 information. The Ijesas thought that the opportunity of their countrymen had come, and that they should not be interfered with. The Oyos were indignant with the ALAFIN’s messenger and discredited his mission, alleging that the Oyos being the leading tribe should never be the first to ask for the Governor’s interference. They questioned the genuineness of the letter, and asked where was the King’s Ilari (state messenger) and where his staff as the messenger’s credential.
¶44 Under the circumstances the Governor asked the messenger to put down in writing his opinion of the situation, the exact state of things, and his reasons for believing that the people wanted peace and that the Lagos Government’s interference would be acceptable. And this he did in a letter addressed to His Excellency on the 28th of November, 188r.
¶45 In the letter he showed that all parties would welcome peace but could not arrange it between themselves, being jealous and distrustful of one another. That the Ibadans and Ekitis wished for peace was evident from the fact that the messengers of both met those of Derin (the Owoni elect of Ife) in the battlefield for the purpose, the only hitch being who was to decamp first. Distrustful ofeach other, either party feared a treacherous pursuit by the other of the one to decamp first, hence the negotiations failed. With the representatives of a power respected by both between them there was no doubt that the war would at once come to an end.
¶46 As to the Egbas, he showed that they were never unanimous about the closing of the roads, one party being for it, the other against, hence they managed to find a circuitous route to Eruwa fortrade. They also would welcome peace but would not take the initiative for fear of losing prestige. The same thing might be said of the Ijebus. In fact, it was well known that the Awujale, their King, was the only one for hostilities, the Ijebus themselves would rather have peace, hence the strained relations existing between the people and their king. That at the time of his leaving Ibadan for Lagos, steps were being taken to renew their attempts at negotiation, the chances this time being more favourable from the fact of the capture by the Ibadans of the brother of the Balogun of Ijebu in a raiding expedition which he undertook to their farms, and his being sent home to arrange for his own ransom.
¶47 From these factsit seemed evident that they would gladly accept from a higher and neutral power what all wished for but could not effect themselves.
§ 3. THE GOVERNOR’S DELECATES
¶49 The Governor after due deliberation decided to send accredited messengers to sound the feelings of the chiefs of the tribes most concerned as to how far they desired peace, and also to ascertain whether the ALAFIN’s letter was genuine and if so that he should send an Ilari down with his staff. The delegates entrusted with this business were: For the Oyos—Messrs. Simeon D. Kester and Oderinlo Wilson ; for the Ijesas—Messrs. Phillippe Jose Meffre and Joseph Haastrup. These delegates with the ALAFIN’s messenger left Lagos on their mission on the 5th January, 1882, bearing letters to the ALAFIN, the Ibadan war chiefs, and to the Ekitiparapos from the Governor. A copy of the ALAFIN’s letter was sent back for confirmation if genuine or otherwise. The Governor himself, visiting the eastern waters of the Colony at thesame time, conveyed them in his yacht to the landing place at Atijere.
¶50 In order to secure greater importance for the mission, his Excellency arranged that those interior chiefs who occupied a neutral position, such as the Chiefs of Ondo and Derin of Oke Igbo, should send their own messengers also to accompany either party. Accordingly the parties from Lagos proceeded first to Ode Ondo and then to Oke Igbo before directing their footsteps each to his destination with messengers from these two places. At Oke Igbo, when all from Lagos were being introduced, Derin flew into a rage with the ALAFIN’smessenger for not telling him the purport of his message to Lagos. He was inclined to doubt the genuineness of it. He said that the ALAFIN could not have sent him without first consulting him ; that it was his cause they were defending, that blockading ammunition from the Ibadans was done by his instructions, etc., etc. The messenger in reply reminded him of the message he brought him from the Rev. Mr. Olubi, which he admitted, and further said it was the same Olubi that sent him. He would not hear the messenger defend himself any further. Then Mr. Joseph Haastrup one of the delegates who was for fair play, and one Akitonde one of Derin’s own men, interposed on his behalf, the former said the messenger was a man of God who was not likely to bear a false message. The latter said—He was but a messenger and is not supposed to know the contents of a sealed letter, how then was he to communicate the same to you ?
¶51 The fact was that Derin was elated bythe honour and respect
¶52 -accorded him by all the powers, and also by the recognition of the Governor. He thought it was because he was an Ife, a city which tradition says was the cradle of mankind, and not because he happened to hold the key of the situation to lock against or to open for the Ibadans to obtain ammunition from the coast.
¶53 The delegates separated at Oke Igbo, those for Oyo proceeded to Isoya, Modakeke and Ibadan, those for the Ekitis returned to Ode Ondo, and went by Iperindo and Odo to Ilesa.
¶54 The Oyo delegates were well received at Ibadan, in fact they received such welcome as would be accorded to the actual peace messengers ; and also at Ijaye they were met at a distance of four miles from the town by the Balogun and about 100 followers drumming, fifing, and the firing of a feu de joie showing with what eagerness they were seeking after peace.
¶55 They arrived at thecapitalonthe roth. His Majesty the ALAFIN had two interviews with the delegates, he confirmed his letter to the Governor as genuine, briefly recounted the history of the war, adding: ‘‘ Humanity forbids me to be indifferent to the hundreds of lives perishing daily. The whole Yoruba race is a gift from God to me, and hence every loss of life even to an untimely birth is a loss.to the ALAFIN of Oyo.
¶56 The antagonists are formidable, and without the intervention of a power stronger than both, peace will not be effected, hence I applied to the English Government for their intervention.
¶57 If I call upon the whole Yoruba country at large, they might respond to my call for enforced peace, but the issue will not be good, peace will be too dearly bought. What I desire is an intervention without any further loss of life.”
¶58 The ALAFIN also wrote, thanking the Governor for his letter, confirmed his former letter as genuine, and sent an Ilari, Obakosetan by name, with his staff, which was a fan.embroidered with red and green, as his credential.
¶59 From Oyo the delegates proceeded to the Ibadan camp. By this time those to the Ekiti camp having a shorter route to traverse had come to those of their own side and gone back.
¶60 The Ibadan war chiefs received the delegates well. According to custom they offered them cold water, and afterwards suitable presents, and lodged them.
¶61 At the interview Chief Maye was the spokesman. He recounted the history of the war and laid great stress on the desirability of having a safe route to the coast for trade which should not besubject to the whims of their littoral neighbours; and of the different possible routes, they preferred the Ikorodu route to Lagos which was freely opened for their use in the time of Governor Glover, and said they were ready to subscribe any amount that may be required for opening the road on their side, provided the Lagos Government would guarantee its security from the molestations of the Egbas and Ijebus.
¶62 The delegates were the bearers of a letter also from the Ibadan
¶63 war chiefs to the Governor of Lagos. In their letter they pointed out strongly that they were there not as aggressors, but as defenders of their frontier towns. That the commencement of hostilities was not on their side but on the side of the Ekitis, who perpetrated a most horrible massacre at Ila of all Oyos on peaceful avocation in their midst. The reason alleged for this was the cruel and oppressive measures of our messengers among them but of which they never made any formal complaint.
¶64 And this brutal massacre the Ekitis followed up by the invasion of their frontier towns. They have been defeated before but they renewed the invasion of Ikirun, and that was what brought them where they now are.
¶65 With the Egbas they had their complications: the Egbas kidnapped Oyos and they retaliated. They expelled all their people trading at Abeokuta, and they (the Ibadans) remonstrated; the Egbas sent an impertinent messenger to them whose conduct was openly outrageous, and they replied by raiding the Egba farms. All this they admitted, but with the Ijebus and Ilorins they had no case whatever, nor could they understand why these should join any hostile coalition against them. They remonstrated with the Ilorin King but in vain. The Ibadan war chiefs sent two messengers down, the one OOjeniran representing the Are with his staff, and the other Oderinde representing the rest of the war chiefs. The writer, who was formerly the ALAFIN’S messenger, had again to accompany them with the Ilari Obakosetan to Lagos.
¶66 By the hands of their messengers the Ibadan war chiefs sent specimens of the cartridges taken from the Ijesas to the Governor of Lagos, and asked whether it was the Lagos Government that supplied the Ekitis with such ammunition to fight them.
¶67 By a strange coincidence the messengers of the different kings and war chiefs each with his staff met at Ode Ondo, with them Derin of Oke Igbo sent his son to represent him, and the Osimowe and chiefs of Ondo appointed their own messengers to accompany them to Lagos. They were also fortunate enough to meet his Excellency the Governor of Lagos in the eastern waters, who, when he heard of their arrival at Aiyesan, steamed up and conveyed them all in his yacht to Lagos on the roth February, 1882.
¶68 The Governor had several interviews with the messengers, and at the same time communicated with the Governor-General, Sir Samuel Rowe at the Gold Coast. The latter ordered that the messengers should wait for him. They were two months at Lagos waiting for the Governor-General, who when he arrived in his gunboat, summoned the messengers to an interview the next day. He
¶69 heard them all round and reserved his decision until further deliberation.
¶70 The failure of the mission was evident from what transpired at the meeting. At the Governor’s instance the messengers related their messages in turn:
¶71 Oba-ko-setan the ALAFIN’s Ilari said, ‘“‘ My Master presents his compliments to your Excellency. He has sent me to invite your kind interference in the protracted war that has been going on these several years in the interior, in which thousands of lives are being sacrificed yearly. His own effort for the purpose proving abortive he has been constrained to apply to you as representing a higher power, to enable us to effect peace throughout the land.”
¶72 The messenger of the Are of Ibadan had nothing else to say, ‘“* The ALAFIN,”’ said he, “‘ is our King, and where his representative speaks the Ibadans cannot say otherwise. We abide by what he says.”
¶73 Ape-ni-di-agba the Owa’s messenger said, ‘“‘ We have the Ibadans in our clutches now, and they should not be plucked off.” The Governor replied, ‘‘ Why then did you not eat them up before this time? And why come here to ask this Government for their interference ? ”’
¶74 The Ijesa messenger further stipulated as their condition that unless the Ibadans would give a guarantee that they will never make war in future with either the Ijebus, Egbas, Ilorins, Ijesas and Ekitis, they would not agree to peace. ,
¶75 The Seriki Ogedemgbe’s messenger agreed with what the Owa’s messenger said.
¶76 The Ondo messengers wished for peace all round.
¶77 The Governor-General a fortnight later dismissed the messengers with a copy of an identical letter to each of the different kings and chiefs that sent them. The letter reads as follows:
¶78 ““T have carefully thought over the message yougave to mea fortnight ago, and I have heard from the Lieut.-Governor all that passed in this matter before I came to Lagos.
¶79 I appreciate the action of the King of Oyo in sending to the Governor of Lagos to ask him to send an officer to make peace between the Ibadans and Ijesas.
¶80 I thank the King of Oyo for the compliment he has paid to the English Government in doing this, showing that he believes in the honour of the English Government, and that he feels confident that an officer from the English Government will deal justly in this matter.
¶81 The great Queen whom I serve, Her Most Gracious Majesty the Queen of England and Empress of India, has no other
¶82 wishes than good wishes towards the entire African people. Her Majesty’s instructions to her officers whom she sends to govern this colony are to promote by all proper means friendly intercourse between the people under thei: rule and the native tribes living near.them.
¶83 In doing this from time to time her Majesty has approved the visits of her officers to many of the tribes neighbouring Lagos.
¶84 But Her Majesty has no desire to bring the inland tribes neighbouring Lagos under British rule, and though wicked people have said that if the white man comes to the interior he will take the country, I tell you publicly that my Queen has no wish to take your country.
¶85 As to sending the messenger asked for by the King of Oyo, I am quite aware that in sending to ask the Governor tosenda messenger to the Ibadan and Ijesa camps to make peace, the King of Oyo has done a great thing. He has made a request that is not to be lightly answered.
¶86 I have thought over it patiently and very anxiously and what I have to say is this: the message given by the Ijesas was not aclear message. They said they wanted the Ibadans to go away and they would agree to make peace on certain conditions, and a part of this condition was—that the Ibadans should sign a promise that they would never again make war on any of the allied tribes whether Egba, Ijebu, Ijesa, Ekiti, or Ilorin.
¶87 I cannot send an officer to your camp to dictate to you what you shall do there, but I will report all the circumstances to Her Majesty’s principal officer, and if hereafter the Ibadans and Ijesas should wish to cease from fighting, and to agree to such a condition as one of the Queen’s officers may think right, and if Her Majesty should direct that one of her officers should visit you to try to find out their conditions, then I will do all in my power to carry out your wishes ; and although I have found fault with the difficulties in the road, I would even come willingly mvself if I were directed to do so.
¶88 The Queen is very much interested in your welfare and she wishes her officers to use every right endeavour to increase your prosperity.”’
¶89 Government House, Lagos.
¶90 April 14th, 1882.
¶91 Each of the messengers was sent back with presents for themselves and for their respective masters. To the Ibadans the Governor sent two specimens of the cartridges used fortheregulation
¶92 Martini-Henry rifle which were quite different from those of the Sneider, showing that what the Ijesas were using were not Government property.
¶93 In the meantime, news had come to Lagos of the unsafety of the road between Oke Igbo and Modakeke. It was given out that a body of Ijebu kidnappers were stationed at Isoya to blockade the traffic in ammunition only, but what proved to be the fact was that at the instance of Derin the Ijebus were concentrating their forces at Isoya with the object of attacking Modakeke in the rear, whilst the Ifes attacked them in front. The Ogunsua (Bale of Modakeke) and a distinguished Modakeke Chief Ajarawa by name, died suddenly and rather mysteriously, it was said by poison, and further that Derin distributed arms and ammunition to the neighbouring towns of Ikire Gbangan, Ipetumodu and OOdiiabon to join in the attack on Modakeke, which being removed out of the way Ede would be besieged and thus the Ibadans in the camp would be taken in front andintherear. But these towns not only refused to take part in such coalition, but also forwarded all the ammunition to the Are in the camp.
¶94 This news meant a great peril for the Ibadan and Oyo messengers. The Governor-General, hearing this, sent a special message to Derin by his son that he should see to it that no harm came to the messengers between his town and Modakeke. But notwithstanding this Derin arranged with the Ijebus to meet his own men halfway in the forest, and that the ALAFIN’s first messenger with the letter (¢.e., the writer) should be killed. It was in the presence of the writer that Derin’s men were sharpening their matchets ; they went out early before dawn to waylay the messengers but it happened that for want of carriers they could not go that day: and when the kidnappers saw some traders coming with their loads wrapped with tarpaulin they mistook them for the messengers from Lagos and fell on them. The news of this disaster reached the messengers in the afternoon of that day and it caused great consternation at Oke Igbo. Derin was approached again, and reminded of the Governor’s orders and an escort was demanded from him. After much trouble hesent one Asaju with five men, three with old and useless Dane guns, one witha revolver, and the fifth carried a native bell ! That was all. The escort demanded presents from them at once before leaving home for the services he was about to render. In mid forest he demanded more or he would leave them at the mercy of the Ijebus. Much trouble was experienced so that they could not reach Isoya that day; they were soaked by a drenching rain, but this rain proved the providential means of clearing the road of kidnappers who betook themselves to shelter
¶95 when we passed. On reaching Isoya there was another detention. The Ijebus were loth to let them all go safe, the ALAFIN’s first messenger being the principal person they wished to kill; but Asaju the escort interposed with, “ If that had been done in the forest, it could not have been helped, but you cannot do that here now, my master will put the blame on me.” So with much reluctance they were all let off. At Isoya they heard of the party that went to waylay them the previous day, about a hundred men armed with muskets! It was a merciful deliverance.
¶96 At the gate of exit from Isoya, and at the Ile Ife gate they experienced further troubles before reaching Modakeke.
¶97 On the arrival of the messengers at Oyo the ALAFIN was much disappointed at the failure of the mission. When the Governor’s letter was read to him he said, ‘‘ Let us say in a word the whole thing has collapsed !”’
¶98 At the camp the war chiefs were very glad to see back their men of whom they had heard nothing for over two months. The failure of the mission did not seem to move them much, as they had expected it.
¶99 On hearing the letter read they said—‘‘We expected as much. Such has been the action of the Ijesas on a previous occasion when attempts at peace-making were undertaken by the ALAFIN and by Derin of Oke Igbo.” Thus ended the mission in a total failure.
§4. THE LIon aT Bay
¶101 Resumption of Hostilities—On the morrow of the return of the Ibadan messengers, the Ibadan war chiefs announced to the Ekiti confederation the end of the truce which they had observed while negotiation was going on, and gave notice of battle.
¶102 The war was resumed and vigorously prosecuted in all its horrors and with desperation. During the stay of the ALAFIN’s messenger (the writer) in the camp, fighting went on almost every day with varied success on either side. The Ibadans often scored over their opponents, but from the lack of ammunition on their side, and owing to the arms of precision on the other side, they could not dislodge the Ekitis from their strongholds.
¶103 The Ijesas dug trenches in the battlefield in which they sheltered themselves from the Ibadan fire; two of the Ibadan war chiefs viz., Fijabi and Sumonu Apampa, and one of the Are’s big slaves, Idagana by name, intrepid horsemen all, distinguished themselves at this time by plunging into these trenches and dislodging the Ijesas and Ekitisfrom them. This daring act theystyled ‘‘ Tengba,” or “‘ Ajapa,’’ 7.e., a speedily accomplished job: it was always done at a tremendous risk of their lives, for whilst they were exposed
¶104 to the steady fire of their foes, their own men behind them could not return the fire for fear of wounding them and those who accompanied them on horseback, until all had jumped into the trenches and dispersed the foes.
¶105 The Ibadans were now determined to possess themselves of breach-loading guns and cartridges at whatever cost. Letters were written to the Oyos of Lagos, individually to distinguished men among them and collectively to the whole, stating their own case for the war, and calling for help as those on the other side had been helped by their own people, but for political reasons they received no response, as we shall see hereafter.
¶106 Hostilities by the Egbas.—Not only at Kiriji was the war being vigorously prosecuted, but the Egbas also resumed activities in kidnapping in the Ibadan farms at home. About the 15th of June, 1882, the Egbas closed the Berekodo and Eruwa roads ; the Are had not ceased carrying on some negotiations with them all this time, for it was by his goodwill and connivance markets were opened formerly at Ketu and Ejio, and afterwards at Eruwa and Berekodo for trade, to the mutual advantage ot both sides. Now they professed at this time to be displeased with the message brought by Oko the Are’s principal messenger, hence they recalled all their traders who were as far as Berekodo and Iseyin and expelled all Oyos from Abeokuta before closing the roads.
¶107 Lawore the Aseyin did his best to pacify the Egbas, and bring about a good understanding to keep the roads open, but all in vain. At a public meeting held at Iseyin on the 19th he took from acertain man an Egba slave who had escaped to Iseyin and sent him back to Abeokuta as a mark of goodwill; but his messenger was not even allowed to enter the town. This act was repaid on the 31st by another raiding expedition on the Ibadan farms, but the Ibadan hunters gave chase, overtook them and rescued all the captives.
¶108 The Dahomians again.—On the 18th August, about 200 Meke refugees arrived at Iseyin who escaped the second invasion by the Dahomians. They were well received, and a portion of land allotted to them to build on, with ample room for more of their friends who might escape to this place.
¶109 A Bogus Peace Negotiation.—About this time the Ilorins sent some messengers to the Ibadan camp to negotiate for peace between them. The Ibadans had good reasons for suspecting their sincerity and therefore they sent them back with the message that if they are sincere in their overtures for peace, let them raise the siege of Ofa and return home, and if they are loth to return home empty they may take the town of Otun. This place was offered
¶110 to the Ilorins to be taken because of the mortal hatred they knew the Ilorins had harboured against it. It had hitherto been secure under the protection of Ibadan, but now OOttn had joined the confederates against them. She, however, had already submitted to Ilorin and accepted an Ilorin political Resident. As this overture was only a ruse to lead the Ibadans to withdraw their contingent at Ofaso that they might capture that city and advance to their rear, the negotiation fell through.
¶111 About the r4th September, 1882, a comet appeared in the heavens, which to the Yorubas is a very ominous sign. They are always on the look out for the demise of a great king or a mighty chief or the destruction of a great city; consequently at such a time every important king or chief in the country usually consults his Ifa and offers a propitiatory sacrifice for the preservation of his life. The last seen before this was in 1859, when King Atiba of Oyo died.
¶112 The Revolt of the Ifes.—Although the Ife auxiliary army was with the Ibadans in the camp at Kiriji, yet it was known that the Ifes at home sympathized rather with the Ekitis than with their overlords and would long ago have attacked the Ibadans from the rear but for the presence of the Modakekes near them. There might be other reasons for their hostility against the Ibadans but the chief one alleged was the forcing on them of Ayikiti, the son of a tyrant, as their Owoni (or king) in 1877.
¶113 It will be remembered that the Are engaged the services of the Ifes and Modakekes in his raids on the Egba farms in 1877, and after the retreat from Osiele Ayikiti the Ife general requested as the greatest favour he could show him that he should place him on his father’s throne in order to preserve his seed from utter destruction, which he was sure would happen in revenge for the great mischief his father had done during his reign.
¶114 The Are demurred, being unwilling to force upon the Ifes a king not in consonance with their desire, but Ayikiti brought great pressure to bear, and the Are felt bound not only to reward his services, but to secure at least the loyalty and friendship of one leading provincial king. But he very soon after turned against the Ibadans. Ayikiti however did not survive long but the Ifes all the same harboured a feeling of spite and resentment against the Ibadans on that account, and that they were seeking an opportunity to give effect to. The Modakekes at their doors rendered this impossible, they refused to join in any coalition against Ibadan and hence the Ife hostility was directed in the first instance to the Modakekes themselves ; they began kidnapping in their farms at first. Living in such contiguity to each other
¶115 intermarriages of course were frequent and social intercourse unrestricted, but at this time several Modakekes who went to their relatives at Ile Ife were heard-of no more, some the Mcdakekes had to redeem back.
¶116 A distinguished Ife chief, Akingbade by name, and the Asaju of Derin of Oke Igbo went and joined the Ijebu camp at Isoya to kidnap Yoruba caravans, and they made no exception of Modakekes their neighbours.
¶117 The Are hearing this sent over and again to conciliate them, and urged on Derin rather to come over to Ie Ife and be crowned the Owoni and restore peace to at least that part of the country ; but Derin refused to comply unless the Ibadans would first cede to him the following towns which once may have belonged to Ife but had ceased to be so for at least 50 years, vzz., lpetumodu, Odiiabon, Gbangan, Ikire, Apomu, and the villages in their vicinity. Otherwise (said he) he would not go until the close of the war which he thought could only end in one way, which would indubitably place these towns in his hands.
¶118 To conciliate the Ifes the Are sent one TOki to-mediate between the two parties, which done, they were to take a mutual oath of amity and to ratify the same with the blood of a sheep he took with him.
¶119 But matters in the meantime had come to a crisis. The Ifes raided the Modakeke farms, caught and maltreated a woman by cutting off her breasts, the Modakekes in turn resented the affront, they retaliated by raiding Ife farms, caught four persons and also sent to the camp at Kiriji to recall Oyebade their Balogun, for it was evident that war has now become inevitable.
¶120 The Are did not like the look of things. In permitting Oyebade to go home he sent also an influential Ife chief, charging each of them to go and quell the faction, put the ringleaders to death on either side and restore peace at home.
¶121 These chiefs went by forced marches and took the precaution that the news of their coming should not precede them. They reached home together. Oyebade and Adepoju, his second in command, marched straight to the house of one Obalaiye, a known intriguer who was carrying on secret correspondence with the Ilorins and had obtained a horse from them, and stood before his gate. Hearing that the war chiefs were come, he came out to welcome them; whilst these war chiefs lay prostrate to receive the greetings of this venerable man, a swordsman who had been instructed walked round to his back and, ere he was aware, by one sweep of the sword his head fell off from his shoulders !_ His house was immediately confiscated and levelled with the ground. The
¶122 war chiefs saw this accomplished before they went to their own homes.
¶123 But the Ifes not only did not punish but condoned the action of the ringleaders on their side, and were prepared to give battle the following morning. Oyebade nearly lost his life by trusting himself too far among the Ifes trying to explain that they were not sent home to fight but to punish the ringleaders and respect the oaths ; he was luckily pulled backin time. On account of the oath the first shot fired by the Ifes was by a man who climbed up a tree to do so; the idea being that to break the oath standing on the earth on which the oath was taken would surely result in disaster. But notwithstanding this, when they joined battle the Ifes were defeated and driven away out of the city and many of them were taken captives.
¶124 Ile Ife and Modakeke being practically one town with only a small stream separating the two, they had not to go outside their walls to fight, the battle took place at the Akogun market. It was practically a civil war.
¶125 The Are and Ibadan chiefs hearing this ordered that the Ife captives be released, and Toki was sent again with a sheep and a cat to worship at the tomb of Oranyan, and to bring both parties together again into a covenant ratifying the same with an oath on the blood of these victims.
¶126 But ere this could be done the Ife young men had collected another force and made a determined attack on Modakeke. This was on the 1st December, 1882. Victory was again on the side of Modakeke, but the victory was dearly bought ; Oyebade their commander-in-chief was mortally wounded and he died a short time afterwards leaving the command of the army to Adepoju.
¶127 While all this was going on at home the Ife war chiefs were in the Ibadan camp at Kinji fighting against the Ekitiparapos but one night before daybreak they left the camp in a body with their wives and children and went over through the battlefield to the Ekitis. They were received with open arms and sent home to join their comrades to make efforts to destroy Modakeke.
¶128 Modakeke now became the third seat of war.
¶129 Reinforcements came to the Ifes from the Ijesas and Ijebus. An ITjesa force under their war chief Ayimoro encamped on the north-east and the Ijebus under their Seriki Ogunsigun of Igbo crossed the Osun river and encamped in the south. The Ifes themselves were encamped in a village eastward of Modakeke. From these three points Modakeke was attacked at one and the same time. The fall of Modakeke would mean an attack in the rear for the Ibadans at Kiriji and consequently they were obliged
¶130 to send as reinforcement the following chiefs on the 4th December, viz., Akintola, Sanusi, Bamgbegbin and Aturu.
¶131 At this new development the Ekitis redoubled their energies to overwhelm the Ibadans in the camp the battle raged at Kiriji with unabated fury and many valuable lives were lost on both sides. Of the men of note on the Ibadan side were: Ali Laluwoye the Otun (from illness) Aderibigbe son of the late Bale Olugbode (from wounds previously received) Awo the son of the late Labosinde, the Baba Isale, Ogunrinde son of the late Agbakiu.
¶132 Some of the reinforcement at Modakeke had to be recalled when the fighting at Kiriji was becoming too strong leaving Akintola alone and subsequently Sumonu Apampa was sent to join him.
¶133 Thus stood the Ibadan lion at bay facing five fronts, with ammunition spent, yet flinching from none, at OOfa, at Kiriji, at Modakeke and against the Egbas as well as the Ijebus at home.