Chapter 26. Failures At Reconciliation

§ 1. THE ALÁÀFIN’S EFFORTS FOR PEACE

¶2 AFTER the failure of Derin’s efforts, circumstances compelled the ALÁÀFIN to make a genuine effort for the restoration of peace.

¶3 (a) The Dahomian ravages of the western district, and the threats to "visit Ọ̀yọ́ this coming dry season."

¶4 (b) The men of the frontier towns sent to him to say that they will all desert their towns if the King could not send an army to protect them.

¶5 But the King’s most effective army are the Ìbàdàns, and those with them and they are pre-occupied.

¶6 On the 9th of October, 1881, he sent for the Rev. D. Olubi of Ìbàdàn as head of the missionaries in the interior at the time, and with him "any two of his sensible colleagues." The order was obeyed on the 12th and the interview took place on the 13th.

¶7 There were present at the interview :

¶8 Two Ọ̀yọ́ officials, viz., The-Olosi, who is the King’s vade mecum as it were, and the Apeka, who is the white men’s intermediary with the court.

¶9 Also Mr. Jonathan Ojelabi, the foremost Christian gentleman at Ọ̀yọ́ at the time. These are of Ọ̀yọ́. The Rev. D. Olubi, Mr. J. Okusehinde, and the writer, both Catechists under Mr. Olubi at Ìbàdàn. Also Mr. A. F. Foster, by whom the letter to Mr. Olubi was written for the King, being the C.M.S. Scripture Reader at Ìṣẹ́yìn, and also the Aseyin’s messenger.

¶10 He consulted Mr. Olubi in particular as to the best way to reach the British Government to crave their assistance (1) to put an end to the fruitless war ravaging the country ; and (2) to offer a check to the Dahomian inroads into the Yoruba country.

¶11 He said that he was led to take this step as all his efforts to stop the war at its commencement failed, and also recently he fared no better. Also because the Ẹ̀gbás would intercept any messages of his to the coast.

¶12 It had happened more than once that when his messengers were at Abẹ́òkúta on peaceful errands then the Ẹ̀gbás would start an expedition against the Ìbàdàns as if he egged them on to it. So it was at the time of the expedition against Ile Bioku, and also at a raiding expedition to the Ìbàdàn farms, and twice in the

¶13 Oke Ogun districts. The Ẹ̀gbás would seize any letter that he wrote to the British Government, and he would be glad if Mr. Olubi could reach the British Government for him.

¶14 After some discussion it was finally arranged that a letter be written to the Lieut.-Governor W. Brandford Griffiths at Lagos, and another to the Rev. J. B. Wood, Secretary of the C.M.S., requesting him to second his efforts ; and as he knows the country very well, to explain matters to the Governor of Lagos on any point His Excellency may require further elucidation.

¶15 The Palace, Ọ̀yọ́. October 15th, 1881. To His EXCELLENCY, LIEUT.-GOVERNOR W. B. GRIFFITHS,

¶16 Sir—I hereby approach your Excellency and through you to the Imperial Government of England with this humble request : (1) My country has long been disturbed by a desultory war, which your Excellency well knows and which has put a stop to all trade and impoverished the country, and thousands of lives have perished by death or hopeless slavery.

¶17 I have several times undertaken to bring about the long-desired peace, but my efforts have from time to time been frustrated. Instead of terminating the war is extending, to threaten the utter extinction of the Yoruba race.

¶18 The Dahomians have taken advantage of this to ruin my kingdom. A few months ago seven towns have fallen a victim to their rapacities and Ìṣẹ́yìn is now threatened. The next turn might be to my own royal city.

¶19 With all possible speed I beg that the Imperial Government —for which I have always a great respect—to come to my help. I crave your assistance both to come to settle this unfortunate war between the belligerent powers, and to stop the Dahomians who have made an inroad into my kingdom.

¶20 To assure your Excellency of my great anxiety I pledge myself to undergo any expenses if only peace be effected as the issue.

¶21 All my frontier towns are in great panic now, and if I make no stir to protect them they will all scatter and so I will undertake this in the coming dry season.

¶22 I mention this lest you may say after asking your help I make a movement.

¶23 I beg to remain,

ADEYEMI, KING OF THE YORUBAS.

¶25 The second letter, addressed to the Secretary of the C.M.S

¶26 The Palace, Ọ̀yọ́.

¶27 October 15th, 1881. THE Rev. J. B. WOOD—

¶28 DEAR SIR,—I beg to approach you with my humble request : You might have heard of the desultory war in my kingdom which has been wasting its thousands. I have undertaken several times to effect peace, but my authority was not respected by the belligerent powers. And seeing that if this is not done in time, the extinction of the Yoruba race is inevitable I sent specially on the 9th inst. to call your representative here at Ìbàdàn to consult with him how the Imperial Government might be reached that I might crave assistance to bring about the peace speedily.

¶29 Now, I humbly beg you to assist me in urging the Government to attend to this my request speedily. The letter addressed to the Government will be forwarded by you and please use your influence in this important matter for the sake of humanity to save my kingdom from extinction.

¶30 I am, etc., etc.,

ADEYEMI, KING OF THE YORUBAS.

§ 2. THE ALÁÀFIN’S MESSENGER

¶33 The writer was the bearer of these letters via Oke Igbo, Ode Ondo, and the Mawen country to Lagos.

¶34 Simultaneous with the invitation by the ALÁÀFIN to Ọ̀yọ́ the Rev. D. Olubi received also a strange oral message from Derin of Oke Igbo by Solomon Olorunfimi the C.M.S. mailman to Lagos to the effect that as all the belligerents had applied to him to settle their differences for them, he wished Mr. Olubi to give him authority to do so, and if he was backed by him, he would have the confidence to act.

¶35 The fact was, that Derin was over-elated with the regard paid to him by all the principal states in Yoruba-land. Mr. Olubi, being then the head of the missionaries in the interior came to be regarded as the representative of the white man, and Derin, in his vanity, wished for the recognition also of the white man ; hence the message.

¶36 In sending the writer with the ALÁÀFIN’s letter to Lagos Mr. Olubi asked him to say to Derin that he had no power to authorize him, but that he was sending down to Lagos and that the messenger would have an interview with the Governor of Lagos on the subject and would bring him word on his return.

¶37 The message was delivered to Derin and he said, "Yes, I might settle their differences but for the presumptions of the Ìbàdàns, who wished the confederates who are in their own country to decamp first, which thing is impossible."

¶38 At this time the Mawen a piratical tribe in the eastern waters of Lagos, and the people of Epe—an Ìjẹ̀bú town on the Lagoon— were fighting with each other, thus rendering the passage to Lagos from Ondo most difficult. The Epes had rashly declared war against the Mahins on account of their piratical habits; they fitted out their large war canoes, and scoured the lagoon to the Mahin districts. The Mahins in their small canoes easily escaped into the jungles and had no difficulty in shouldering their canoes into places of safety. The Epes, not meeting with any Mahin, wished also to scour the Ofara River on the other side. They dragged their war canoes over the bit of land separating the lagoon from the Ofara River about a mile distant ; this gave opportunity to the Mahins who lay hid in the jungles and behind large trees to shoot down the Epes without being seen, and so the latter were utterly defeated, and those who survived escaped to Itebu, and burnt some of their war canoes with their own hands while the rest fell into the hands of their enemies. Itebu is in the Lagos protectorate and consequently Manuwa the head chief, himself a Mahin, held himself neutral. But the Mahins besieged them at Itebu for three months and they had to ransom their lives for a large sum of money before they were allowed to return home to Epe. But the Epes commanded the lagoon and would allow no Mahin canoe to proceed to Lagos.

¶39 Several Lagos traders in this district suffered by this war, and the Governor of Lagos had to come to these waters to restore order and rescue some of the Lagos traders from the Mahins.

¶40 Such was the disturbed state of things when the bearer of the ALÁÀFIN’S letter to Lagos reached Ode Ondo. He was twelve days at Ondo before he found it possible to proceed to Aiyesan, where he had to embark for Lagos, and eight days at Aiyesan before he could get a passage at all to Lagos.

¶41 His Excellency the Governor had several interviews with the ALÁÀFIN’S messenger in order to learn from him particulars about the country, and the state of things there at present political and otherwise. He also interviewed the representative Ọ̀yọ́s and Ìjẹ̀ṣàs at Lagos separately, but these being ignorant of the real state of things in the interior at the time could do no more than display tribal jealousies of each other without conveying any useful information. The Ìjẹ̀ṣàs thought that the opportunity of their countrymen had come, and that they should not be interfered with. The Ọ̀yọ́s were indignant with the ALÁÀFIN’s messenger and discredited his mission, alleging that the Ọ̀yọ́s being the leading tribe should never be the first to ask for the Governor’s interference. They questioned the genuineness of the letter, and asked where was the King’s Ìlàrí (state messenger) and where his staff as the messenger’s credential.

¶42 Under the circumstances the Governor asked the messenger to put down in writing his opinion of the situation, the exact state of things, and his reasons for believing that the people wanted peace and that the Lagos Government’s interference would be acceptable. And this he did in a letter addressed to His Excellency on the 28th of November, 1881.

¶43 In the letter he showed that all parties would welcome peace but could not arrange it between themselves, being jealous and distrustful of one another. That the Ìbàdàns and Èkìtìs wished for peace was evident from the fact that the messengers of both met those of Derin (the Owoni elect of Ifẹ̀) in the battlefield for the purpose, the only hitch being who was to decamp first. Distrustful of each other, either party feared a treacherous pursuit by the other of the one to decamp first, hence the negotiations failed. With the representatives of a power respected by both between them there was no doubt that the war would at once come to an end.

¶44 As to the Ẹ̀gbás, he showed that they were never unanimous about the closing of the roads, one party being for it, the other against, hence they managed to find a circuitous route to Eruwa for trade. They also would welcome peace but would not take the initiative for fear of losing prestige. The same thing might be said of the Ìjẹ̀bús. In fact, it was well known that the Awùjalẹ̀, their King, was the only one for hostilities, the Ìjẹ̀bús themselves would rather have peace, hence the strained relations existing between the people and their king. That at the time of his leaving Ìbàdàn for Lagos, steps were being taken to renew their attempts at negotiation, the chances this time being more favourable from the fact of the capture by the Ìbàdàns of the brother of the Balógun of Ìjẹ̀bú in a raiding expedition which he undertook to their farms, and his being sent home to arrange for his own ransom.

¶45 From these facts it seemed evident that they would gladly accept from a higher and neutral power what all wished for but could not effect themselves.

§ 3. THE GOVERNOR’S DELEGATES

¶47 The Governor after due deliberation decided to send accredited messengers to sound the feelings of the chiefs of the tribes most concerned as to how far they desired peace, and also to ascertain whether the ALÁÀFIN’s letter was genuine and if so that he should send an Ìlàrí down with his staff. The delegates entrusted with this business were: For the Ọ̀yọ́s—Messrs. Simeon D. Kester and Oderinlo Wilson ; for the Ìjẹ̀ṣàs—Messrs. Phillippe Jose Meffre and Joseph Haastrup. These delegates with the ALÁÀFIN’s messenger left Lagos on their mission on the 5th January, 1882, bearing letters to the ALÁÀFIN, the Ìbàdàn war chiefs, and to the Ekitiparapos from the Governor. A copy of the ALÁÀFIN’s letter was sent back for confirmation if genuine or otherwise. The Governor himself, visiting the eastern waters of the Colony at the same time, conveyed them in his yacht to the landing place at Atijere.

¶48 In order to secure greater importance for the mission, his Excellency arranged that those interior chiefs who occupied a neutral position, such as the Chiefs of Ondo and Derin of Oke Igbo, should send their own messengers also to accompany either party. Accordingly the parties from Lagos proceeded first to Ode Ondo and then to Oke Igbo before directing their footsteps each to his destination with messengers from these two places. At Oke Igbo, when all from Lagos were being introduced, Derin flew into a rage with the ALÁÀFIN’S messenger for not telling him the purport of his message to Lagos. He was inclined to doubt the genuineness of it. He said that the ALÁÀFIN could not have sent him without first consulting him ; that it was his cause they were defending, that blockading ammunition from the Ìbàdàns was done by his instructions, etc., etc. The messenger in reply reminded him of the message he brought him from the Rev. Mr. Olubi, which he admitted, and further said it was the same Olubi that sent him. He would not hear the messenger defend himself any further. Then Mr. Joseph Haastrup one of the delegates who was for fair play, and one Akitonde one of Derin’s own men, interposed on his behalf, the former said the messenger was a man of God who was not likely to bear a false message. The latter said—He was but a messenger and is not supposed to know the contents of a sealed letter, how then was he to communicate the same to you?

¶49 The fact was that Derin was elated by the honour and respect

¶50 -accorded him by all the powers, and also by the recognition of the Governor. He thought it was because he was an Ifẹ̀, a city which tradition says was the cradle of mankind, and not because he happened to hold the key of the situation to lock against or to open for the Ìbàdàns to obtain ammunition from the coast.

¶51 The delegates separated at Oke Igbo, those for Ọ̀yọ́ proceeded to Isoya, Mọ́dàkẹ́kẹ́ and Ìbàdàn, those for the Èkìtìs returned to Ode Ondo, and went by Iperindo and Odo to Ilẹ̀ṣà.

¶52 The Ọ̀yọ́ delegates were well received at Ìbàdàn, in fact they received such welcome as would be accorded to the actual peace messengers ; and also at Ìjàyè they were met at a distance of four miles from the town by the Balógun and about 100 followers drumming, fifing, and the firing of a feu de joie showing with what eagerness they were seeking after peace.

¶53 They arrived at the capital on the 10th. His Majesty the ALÁÀFIN had two interviews with the delegates, he confirmed his letter to the Governor as genuine, briefly recounted the history of the war, adding: "Humanity forbids me to be indifferent to the hundreds of lives perishing daily. The whole Yoruba race is a gift from God to me, and hence every loss of life even to an untimely birth is a loss to the ALÁÀFIN of Ọ̀yọ́.

¶54 The antagonists are formidable, and without the intervention of a power stronger than both, peace will not be effected, hence I applied to the English Government for their intervention.

¶55 If I call upon the whole Yoruba country at large, they might respond to my call for enforced peace, but the issue will not be good, peace will be too dearly bought. What I desire is an intervention without any further loss of life."

¶56 The ALÁÀFIN also wrote, thanking the Governor for his letter, confirmed his former letter as genuine, and sent an Ìlàrí, Obakosetan by name, with his staff, which was a fan embroidered with red and green, as his credential.

¶57 From Ọ̀yọ́ the delegates proceeded to the Ìbàdàn camp. By this time those to the Èkìtì camp having a shorter route to traverse had come to those of their own side and gone back.

¶58 The Ìbàdàn war chiefs received the delegates well. According to custom they offered them cold water, and afterwards suitable presents, and lodged them.

¶59 At the interview Chief Máyè was the spokesman. He recounted the history of the war and laid great stress on the desirability of having a safe route to the coast for trade which should not be subject to the whims of their littoral neighbours; and of the different possible routes, they preferred the Ikorodu route to Lagos which was freely opened for their use in the time of Governor Glover, and said they were ready to subscribe any amount that may be required for opening the road on their side, provided the Lagos Government would guarantee its security from the molestations of the Ẹ̀gbás and Ìjẹ̀bús.

¶60 The delegates were the bearers of a letter also from the Ìbàdàn war chiefs to the Governor of Lagos. In their letter they pointed out strongly that they were there not as aggressors, but as defenders of their frontier towns. That the commencement of hostilities was not on their side but on the side of the Èkìtìs, who perpetrated a most horrible massacre at Ìlá of all Ọ̀yọ́s on peaceful avocation in their midst. The reason alleged for this was the cruel and oppressive measures of our messengers among them but of which they never made any formal complaint.

¶61 And this brutal massacre the Èkìtìs followed up by the invasion of their frontier towns. They have been defeated before but they renewed the invasion of Ìkirun, and that was what brought them where they now are.

¶62 With the Ẹ̀gbás they had their complications: the Ẹ̀gbás kidnapped Ọ̀yọ́s and they retaliated. They expelled all their people trading at Abẹ́òkúta, and they (the Ìbàdàns) remonstrated; the Ẹ̀gbás sent an impertinent messenger to them whose conduct was openly outrageous, and they replied by raiding the Ẹ̀gbá farms. All this they admitted, but with the Ìjẹ̀bús and Ìlọrins they had no case whatever, nor could they understand why these should join any hostile coalition against them. They remonstrated with the Ìlọrin King but in vain. The Ìbàdàn war chiefs sent two messengers down, the one Ojeniran representing the Are with his staff, and the other Oderinde representing the rest of the war chiefs. The writer, who was formerly the ALÁÀFIN’S messenger, had again to accompany them with the Ìlàrí Obakosetan to Lagos.

¶63 By the hands of their messengers the Ìbàdàn war chiefs sent specimens of the cartridges taken from the Ìjẹ̀ṣàs to the Governor of Lagos, and asked whether it was the Lagos Government that supplied the Èkìtìs with such ammunition to fight them.

¶64 By a strange coincidence the messengers of the different kings and war chiefs each with his staff met at Ode Ondo, with them Derin of Oke Igbo sent his son to represent him, and the Osimowe and chiefs of Ondo appointed their own messengers to accompany them to Lagos. They were also fortunate enough to meet his Excellency the Governor of Lagos in the eastern waters, who, when he heard of their arrival at Aiyesan, steamed up and conveyed them all in his yacht to Lagos on the 10th February, 1882.

¶65 The Governor had several interviews with the messengers, and at the same time communicated with the Governor-General, Sir Samuel Rowe at the Gold Coast. The latter ordered that the messengers should wait for him. They were two months at Lagos waiting for the Governor-General, who when he arrived in his gunboat, summoned the messengers to an interview the next day. He heard them all round and reserved his decision until further deliberation.

¶66 The failure of the mission was evident from what transpired at the meeting. At the Governor’s instance the messengers related their messages in turn:

¶67 Ọba-ko-setan the ALÁÀFIN’s Ìlàrí said, "My Master presents his compliments to your Excellency. He has sent me to invite your kind interference in the protracted war that has been going on these several years in the interior, in which thousands of lives are being sacrificed yearly. His own effort for the purpose proving abortive he has been constrained to apply to you as representing a higher power, to enable us to effect peace throughout the land."

¶68 The messenger of the Are of Ìbàdàn had nothing else to say, "* The ALÁÀFIN," said he, "is our King, and where his representative speaks the Ìbàdàns cannot say otherwise. We abide by what he says."

¶69 Ape-ni-di-agba the Ọwá’s messenger said, "We have the Ìbàdàns in our clutches now, and they should not be plucked off." The Governor replied, "Why then did you not eat them up before this time? And why come here to ask this Government for their interference?"

¶70 The Ìjẹ̀ṣà messenger further stipulated as their condition that unless the Ìbàdàns would give a guarantee that they will never make war in future with either the Ìjẹ̀bús, Ẹ̀gbás, Ìlọrins, Ìjẹ̀ṣàs and Èkìtìs, they would not agree to peace. ,

¶71 The Sẹ́rìkí Ògèdèngbé’s messenger agreed with what the Ọwá’s messenger said.

¶72 The Ondo messengers wished for peace all round.

¶73 The Governor-General a fortnight later dismissed the messengers with a copy of an identical letter to each of the different kings and chiefs that sent them. The letter reads as follows:

¶74 "T have carefully thought over the message you gave to me a fortnight ago, and I have heard from the Lieut.-Governor all that passed in this matter before I came to Lagos.

¶75 I appreciate the action of the King of Ọ̀yọ́ in sending to the Governor of Lagos to ask him to send an officer to make peace between the Ìbàdàns and Ìjẹ̀ṣàs.

¶76 I thank the King of Ọ̀yọ́ for the compliment he has paid to the English Government in doing this, showing that he believes in the honour of the English Government, and that he feels confident that an officer from the English Government will deal justly in this matter.

¶77 The great Queen whom I serve, Her Most Gracious Majesty the Queen of England and Empress of India, has no other wishes than good wishes towards the entire African people. Her Majesty’s instructions to her officers whom she sends to govern this colony are to promote by all proper means friendly intercourse between the people under their rule and the native tribes living near them.

¶78 In doing this from time to time her Majesty has approved the visits of her officers to many of the tribes neighbouring Lagos.

¶79 But Her Majesty has no desire to bring the inland tribes neighbouring Lagos under British rule, and though wicked people have said that if the white man comes to the interior he will take the country, I tell you publicly that my Queen has no wish to take your country.

¶80 As to sending the messenger asked for by the King of Ọ̀yọ́, I am quite aware that in sending to ask the Governor to send a messenger to the Ìbàdàn and Ìjẹ̀ṣà camps to make peace, the King of Ọ̀yọ́ has done a great thing. He has made a request that is not to be lightly answered.

¶81 I have thought over it patiently and very anxiously and what I have to say is this: the message given by the Ìjẹ̀ṣàs was not a clear message. They said they wanted the Ìbàdàns to go away and they would agree to make peace on certain conditions, and a part of this condition was—that the Ìbàdàns should sign a promise that they would never again make war on any of the allied tribes whether Ẹ̀gbá, Ìjẹ̀bú, Ìjẹ̀ṣà, Èkìtì, or Ìlọrin.

¶82 I cannot send an officer to your camp to dictate to you what you shall do there, but I will report all the circumstances to Her Majesty’s principal officer, and if hereafter the Ìbàdàns and Ìjẹ̀ṣàs should wish to cease from fighting, and to agree to such a condition as one of the Queen’s officers may think right, and if Her Majesty should direct that one of her officers should visit you to try to find out their conditions, then I will do all in my power to carry out your wishes ; and although I have found fault with the difficulties in the road, I would even come willingly myself if I were directed to do so.

¶83 The Queen is very much interested in your welfare and she wishes her officers to use every right endeavour to increase your prosperity."

¶84 Government House, Lagos.

¶85 April 14th, 1882.

¶86 Each of the messengers was sent back with presents for themselves and for their respective masters. To the Ìbàdàns the Governor sent two specimens of the cartridges used for the regulation

¶87 Martini-Henry rifle which were quite different from those of the Sneider, showing that what the Ìjẹ̀ṣàs were using were not Government property.

¶88 In the meantime, news had come to Lagos of the unsafety of the road between Oke Igbo and Mọ́dàkẹ́kẹ́. It was given out that a body of Ìjẹ̀bú kidnappers were stationed at Isoya to blockade the traffic in ammunition only, but what proved to be the fact was that at the instance of Derin the Ìjẹ̀bús were concentrating their forces at Isoya with the object of attacking Mọ́dàkẹ́kẹ́ in the rear, whilst the Ifẹ̀s attacked them in front. The Ogunsua (Bále of Mọ́dàkẹ́kẹ́) and a distinguished Mọ́dàkẹ́kẹ́ Chief Ajarawa by name, died suddenly and rather mysteriously, it was said by poison, and further that Derin distributed arms and ammunition to the neighbouring towns of Ikire Gbangan, Ipetumodu and Oduabon to join in the attack on Mọ́dàkẹ́kẹ́, which being removed out of the way Èdè would be besieged and thus the Ìbàdàns in the camp would be taken in front and in the rear. But these towns not only refused to take part in such coalition, but also forwarded all the ammunition to the Are in the camp.

¶89 This news meant a great peril for the Ìbàdàn and Ọ̀yọ́ messengers. The Governor-General, hearing this, sent a special message to Derin by his son that he should see to it that no harm came to the messengers between his town and Mọ́dàkẹ́kẹ́. But notwithstanding this Derin arranged with the Ìjẹ̀bús to meet his own men halfway in the forest, and that the ALÁÀFIN’s first messenger with the letter (¢.e., the writer) should be killed. It was in the presence of the writer that Derin’s men were sharpening their matchets ; they went out early before dawn to waylay the messengers but it happened that for want of carriers they could not go that day: and when the kidnappers saw some traders coming with their loads wrapped with tarpaulin they mistook them for the messengers from Lagos and fell on them. The news of this disaster reached the messengers in the afternoon of that day and it caused great consternation at Oke Igbo. Derin was approached again, and reminded of the Governor’s orders and an escort was demanded from him. After much trouble he sent one Asaju with five men, three with old and useless Dane guns, one with a revolver, and the fifth carried a native bell! That was all. The escort demanded presents from them at once before leaving home for the services he was about to render. In mid forest he demanded more or he would leave them at the mercy of the Ìjẹ̀bús. Much trouble was experienced so that they could not reach Isoya that day; they were soaked by a drenching rain, but this rain proved the providential means of clearing the road of kidnappers who betook themselves to shelter when we passed. On reaching Isoya there was another detention. The Ìjẹ̀bús were loth to let them all go safe, the ALÁÀFIN’s first messenger being the principal person they wished to kill; but Asaju the escort interposed with, "If that had been done in the forest, it could not have been helped, but you cannot do that here now, my master will put the blame on me." So with much reluctance they were all let off. At Isoya they heard of the party that went to waylay them the previous day, about a hundred men armed with muskets! It was a merciful deliverance.

¶90 At the gate of exit from Isoya, and at the Ile Ifẹ̀ gate they experienced further troubles before reaching Mọ́dàkẹ́kẹ́.

¶91 On the arrival of the messengers at Ọ̀yọ́ the ALÁÀFIN was much disappointed at the failure of the mission. When the Governor’s letter was read to him he said, "Let us say in a word the whole thing has collapsed!"

¶92 At the camp the war chiefs were very glad to see back their men of whom they had heard nothing for over two months. The failure of the mission did not seem to move them much, as they had expected it.

¶93 On hearing the letter read they said—"We expected as much. Such has been the action of the Ìjẹ̀ṣàs on a previous occasion when attempts at peace-making were undertaken by the ALÁÀFIN and by Derin of Oke Igbo." Thus ended the mission in a total failure.

§4. THE LION at Bay

¶95 Resumption of Hostilities—On the morrow of the return of the Ìbàdàn messengers, the Ìbàdàn war chiefs announced to the Èkìtì confederation the end of the truce which they had observed while negotiation was going on, and gave notice of battle.

¶96 The war was resumed and vigorously prosecuted in all its horrors and with desperation. During the stay of the ALÁÀFIN’s messenger (the writer) in the camp, fighting went on almost every day with varied success on either side. The Ìbàdàns often scored over their opponents, but from the lack of ammunition on their side, and owing to the arms of precision on the other side, they could not dislodge the Èkìtìs from their strongholds.

¶97 The Ìjẹ̀ṣàs dug trenches in the battlefield in which they sheltered themselves from the Ìbàdàn fire; two of the Ìbàdàn war chiefs viz., Fijabi and Sumonu Apampa, and one of the Are’s big slaves, Idagana by name, intrepid horsemen all, distinguished themselves at this time by plunging into these trenches and dislodging the Ìjẹ̀ṣàs and Èkìtìs from them. This daring act they styled "Tengba," or "Ajapa," 7.e., a speedily accomplished job: it was always done at a tremendous risk of their lives, for whilst they were exposed to the steady fire of their foes, their own men behind them could not return the fire for fear of wounding them and those who accompanied them on horseback, until all had jumped into the trenches and dispersed the foes.

¶98 The Ìbàdàns were now determined to possess themselves of breach-loading guns and cartridges at whatever cost. Letters were written to the Ọ̀yọ́s of Lagos, individually to distinguished men among them and collectively to the whole, stating their own case for the war, and calling for help as those on the other side had been helped by their own people, but for political reasons they received no response, as we shall see hereafter.

¶99 Hostilities by the Ẹ̀gbás.—Not only at Kíríjí was the war being vigorously prosecuted, but the Ẹ̀gbás also resumed activities in kidnapping in the Ìbàdàn farms at home. About the 15th of June, 1882, the Ẹ̀gbás closed the Berekodo and Eruwa roads ; the Are had not ceased carrying on some negotiations with them all this time, for it was by his goodwill and connivance markets were opened formerly at Ketu and Ejio, and afterwards at Eruwa and Berekodo for trade, to the mutual advantage ot both sides. Now they professed at this time to be displeased with the message brought by Oko the Are’s principal messenger, hence they recalled all their traders who were as far as Berekodo and Ìṣẹ́yìn and expelled all Ọ̀yọ́s from Abẹ́òkúta before closing the roads.

¶100 Lawore the Aseyin did his best to pacify the Ẹ̀gbás, and bring about a good understanding to keep the roads open, but all in vain. At a public meeting held at Ìṣẹ́yìn on the 19th he took from a certain man an Ẹ̀gbá slave who had escaped to Ìṣẹ́yìn and sent him back to Abẹ́òkúta as a mark of goodwill; but his messenger was not even allowed to enter the town. This act was repaid on the 31st by another raiding expedition on the Ìbàdàn farms, but the Ìbàdàn hunters gave chase, overtook them and rescued all the captives.

¶101 The Dahomians again.—On the 18th August, about 200 Meko refugees arrived at Ìṣẹ́yìn who escaped the second invasion by the Dahomians. They were well received, and a portion of land allotted to them to build on, with ample room for more of their friends who might escape to this place.

¶102 A Bogus Peace Negotiation.—About this time the Ìlọrins sent some messengers to the Ìbàdàn camp to negotiate for peace between them. The Ìbàdàns had good reasons for suspecting their sincerity and therefore they sent them back with the message that if they are sincere in their overtures for peace, let them raise the siege of Ọ̀fà and return home, and if they are loth to return home empty they may take the town of Ọ̀tún. This place was offered to the Ìlọrins to be taken because of the mortal hatred they knew the Ìlọrins had harboured against it. It had hitherto been secure under the protection of Ìbàdàn, but now Ọ̀tún had joined the confederates against them. She, however, had already submitted to Ìlọrin and accepted an Ìlọrin political Resident. As this overture was only a ruse to lead the Ìbàdàns to withdraw their contingent at Ọ̀fà so that they might capture that city and advance to their rear, the negotiation fell through.

¶103 About the 14th September, 1882, a comet appeared in the heavens, which to the Yorubas is a very ominous sign. They are always on the look out for the demise of a great king or a mighty chief or the destruction of a great city; consequently at such a time every important king or chief in the country usually consults his Ifá and offers a propitiatory sacrifice for the preservation of his life. The last seen before this was in 1859, when King Àtìbà of Ọ̀yọ́ died.

¶104 The Revolt of the Ifẹ̀s.—Although the Ifẹ̀ auxiliary army was with the Ìbàdàns in the camp at Kíríjí, yet it was known that the Ifẹ̀s at home sympathized rather with the Èkìtìs than with their overlords and would long ago have attacked the Ìbàdàns from the rear but for the presence of the Mọ́dàkẹ́kẹ́s near them. There might be other reasons for their hostility against the Ìbàdàns but the chief one alleged was the forcing on them of Ayikiti, the son of a tyrant, as their Owoni (or king) in 1877.

¶105 It will be remembered that the Are engaged the services of the Ifẹ̀s and Mọ́dàkẹ́kẹ́s in his raids on the Ẹ̀gbá farms in 1877, and after the retreat from Osiele Ayikiti the Ifẹ̀ general requested as the greatest favour he could show him that he should place him on his father’s throne in order to preserve his seed from utter destruction, which he was sure would happen in revenge for the great mischief his father had done during his reign.

¶106 The Are demurred, being unwilling to force upon the Ifẹ̀s a king not in consonance with their desire, but Ayikiti brought great pressure to bear, and the Are felt bound not only to reward his services, but to secure at least the loyalty and friendship of one leading provincial king. But he very soon after turned against the Ìbàdàns. Ayikiti however did not survive long but the Ifẹ̀s all the same harboured a feeling of spite and resentment against the Ìbàdàns on that account, and that they were seeking an opportunity to give effect to. The Mọ́dàkẹ́kẹ́s at their doors rendered this impossible, they refused to join in any coalition against Ìbàdàn and hence the Ifẹ̀ hostility was directed in the first instance to the Mọ́dàkẹ́kẹ́s themselves ; they began kidnapping in their farms at first. Living in such contiguity to each other intermarriages of course were frequent and social intercourse unrestricted, but at this time several Mọ́dàkẹ́kẹ́s who went to their relatives at Ile Ifẹ̀ were heard-of no more, some the Mọ́dàkẹ́kẹ́s had to redeem back.

¶107 A distinguished Ifẹ̀ chief, Akingbade by name, and the Asaju of Derin of Oke Igbo went and joined the Ìjẹ̀bú camp at Isoya to kidnap Yoruba caravans, and they made no exception of Mọ́dàkẹ́kẹ́s their neighbours.

¶108 The Are hearing this sent over and again to conciliate them, and urged on Derin rather to come over to Ile Ifẹ̀ and be crowned the Owoni and restore peace to at least that part of the country ; but Derin refused to comply unless the Ìbàdàns would first cede to him the following towns which once may have belonged to Ifẹ̀ but had ceased to be so for at least 50 years, viz., Ipetumodu, Odiiabon, Gbangan, Ikire, Apomu, and the villages in their vicinity. Otherwise (said he) he would not go until the close of the war which he thought could only end in one way, which would indubitably place these towns in his hands.

¶109 To conciliate the Ifẹ̀s the Are sent one Toki to mediate between the two parties, which done, they were to take a mutual oath of amity and to ratify the same with the blood of a sheep he took with him.

¶110 But matters in the meantime had come to a crisis. The Ifẹ̀s raided the Mọ́dàkẹ́kẹ́ farms, caught and maltreated a woman by cutting off her breasts, the Mọ́dàkẹ́kẹ́s in turn resented the affront, they retaliated by raiding Ifẹ̀ farms, caught four persons and also sent to the camp at Kíríjí to recall Oyebade their Balógun, for it was evident that war has now become inevitable.

¶111 The Are did not like the look of things. In permitting Oyebade to go home he sent also an influential Ifẹ̀ chief, charging each of them to go and quell the faction, put the ringleaders to death on either side and restore peace at home.

¶112 These chiefs went by forced marches and took the precaution that the news of their coming should not precede them. They reached home together. Oyebade and Adepoju, his second in command, marched straight to the house of one Obalaiye, a known intriguer who was carrying on secret correspondence with the Ìlọrins and had obtained a horse from them, and stood before his gate. Hearing that the war chiefs were come, he came out to welcome them; whilst these war chiefs lay prostrate to receive the greetings of this venerable man, a swordsman who had been instructed walked round to his back and, ere he was aware, by one sweep of the sword his head fell off from his shoulders! His house was immediately confiscated and levelled with the ground. The war chiefs saw this accomplished before they went to their own homes.

¶113 But the Ifẹ̀s not only did not punish but condoned the action of the ringleaders on their side, and were prepared to give battle the following morning. Oyebade nearly lost his life by trusting himself too far among the Ifẹ̀s trying to explain that they were not sent home to fight but to punish the ringleaders and respect the oaths ; he was luckily pulled back in time. On account of the oath the first shot fired by the Ifẹ̀s was by a man who climbed up a tree to do so; the idea being that to break the oath standing on the earth on which the oath was taken would surely result in disaster. But notwithstanding this, when they joined battle the Ifẹ̀s were defeated and driven away out of the city and many of them were taken captives.

¶114 Ile Ifẹ̀ and Mọ́dàkẹ́kẹ́ being practically one town with only a small stream separating the two, they had not to go outside their walls to fight, the battle took place at the Akogun market. It was practically a civil war.

¶115 The Are and Ìbàdàn chiefs hearing this ordered that the Ifẹ̀ captives be released, and Toki was sent again with a sheep and a cat to worship at the tomb of Ọ̀rànyàn, and to bring both parties together again into a covenant ratifying the same with an oath on the blood of these victims.

¶116 But ere this could be done the Ifẹ̀ young men had collected another force and made a determined attack on Mọ́dàkẹ́kẹ́. This was on the 1st December, 1882. Victory was again on the side of Mọ́dàkẹ́kẹ́, but the victory was dearly bought ; Oyebade their commander-in-chief was mortally wounded and he died a short time afterwards leaving the command of the army to Adepoju.

¶117 While all this was going on at home the Ifẹ̀ war chiefs were in the Ìbàdàn camp at Kíríjí fighting against the Ekitiparapos but one night before daybreak they left the camp in a body with their wives and children and went over through the battlefield to the Èkìtìs. They were received with open arms and sent home to join their comrades to make efforts to destroy Mọ́dàkẹ́kẹ́.

¶118 Mọ́dàkẹ́kẹ́ now became the third seat of war.

¶119 Reinforcements came to the Ifẹ̀s from the Ìjẹ̀ṣàs and Ìjẹ̀bús. An Ìjẹ̀ṣà force under their war chief Ayimoro encamped on the north-east and the Ìjẹ̀bús under their Sẹ́rìkí Ogunsigun of Igbo crossed the Osun river and encamped in the south. The Ifẹ̀s themselves were encamped in a village eastward of Mọ́dàkẹ́kẹ́. From these three points Mọ́dàkẹ́kẹ́ was attacked at one and the same time. The fall of Mọ́dàkẹ́kẹ́ would mean an attack in the rear for the Ìbàdàns at Kíríjí and consequently they were obliged to send as reinforcement the following chiefs on the 4th December, viz., Akíntọ́lá, Sanusi, Bamgbegbin and Aturu.

¶120 At this new development the Èkìtìs redoubled their energies to overwhelm the Ìbàdàns in the camp the battle raged at Kíríjí with unabated fury and many valuable lives were lost on both sides. Of the men of note on the Ìbàdàn side were: Ali Laluwoye the Ọ̀tún (from illness) Aderibigbe son of the late Bále Olugbode (from wounds previously received) Awo the son of the late Labosinde, the Baba Isale, Ogunrinde son of the late Agbakiu.

¶121 Some of the reinforcement at Mọ́dàkẹ́kẹ́ had to be recalled when the fighting at Kíríjí was becoming too strong leaving Akíntọ́lá alone and subsequently Sumonu Apampa was sent to join him.

¶122 Thus stood the Ìbàdàn lion at bay facing five fronts, with ammunition spent, yet flinching from none, at Ọ̀fà, at Kíríjí, at Mọ́dàkẹ́kẹ́ and against the Ẹ̀gbás as well as the Ìjẹ̀bús at home.