Chapter 29. The Intervention Of The British Government

§ 1. MEASURES BY GOVERNOR MOLONEY

¶2 ABOUT the end of January, 1886, the Government of Lagos was severed from that of the Gold Coast, and Lagos was constituted a separate colony with Capt. A. C. Moloney as its first Governor. One of his first public acts was to feel his way towards the settlement of the interior difficulties.

¶3 In an interview the writer (who happened to be at Lagos at the time) had with his Excellency on the 23rd of January the topic of conversation turned mainly on the state of things in the interior and he asked the writer to put down in writing an account of the interview, stating all he knew about the complications from the commencement, and what prospect there was of peace ; - also to give the names of the principal chiefs of Ìjẹ̀bú, Abẹ́òkúta, Ìbàdàn, Èkìtì, and Ìlọrin concerned in this war, and an account of the visits of the Rev. J. B. Wood to both camps in 1884, and also to state his opinion as to how they might receive some one like himself coming among them to settle their difference for them. This the writer did in a long letter to H. E. the Governor.

¶4 The Governor was then resolved to make use of the writer as a messenger to the Ìbàdàn camp, and of the Rev. C. Phillips to the Èkìtì camp.

¶5 Having obtained the consent of the local secretary of the C.M.S. for making use of their services (both being C.M.S. agents) the Governor issued the following instructions :

¶6 Government House, March ist, 1886.

¶7 S1rR,—The Venble. Archdeacon Hamilton has most considerately placed your services at my disposal in connection with satisfying to the latest date on the feeling in the direction of peace that obtains between the Ìbàdàns and the Èkìtì parapos. You have in a most praiseworthy and philanthropic manner come forward to carry out on the subject of my wishes. They are embodied in the accompanying letter addressed to the Balóguns, chiefs, elders and people of Ìbàdàn with whom you say you are on the most intimate and friendly terms.

¶8 You will be good enough accordingly to consider the contents of such letter as your instructions, and in view of the interviews I have had with you I will hope to find success as far as it can will attend your endeavours to act as my instructions dictated.

¶9 I have, etc., ALFRED MOLONEY, Governor.

¶10 The instructions to Rev. Phillips are the same, only substituting for "Balógun, chiefs, elders and people of Ìbàdàn, with whom you say you are on the most intimate," etc., to "Ọwá, Balógun, elders, chiefs and people of Ìjẹ̀ṣà whom you at times visited."

¶11 The following is a. copy of the letter addressed to the chiefs by Governor Moloney:

¶12 Government House.

¶13 February 27th, 1886.

¶14 GOVERNOR MOLONEY TO THE BALÓGUNS, CHIEFS, ELDERS AND PEOPLE OF ÌBÀDÀN,

¶15 GENTLEMEN,—I have the honour to convey that I take this opportunity to announce to you my return on the 8th ult., and my assumption as Governor of the administration of the Government of the Queen’s Colony of Lagos.

¶16 2. It is a pleasure for me to come again amongst people whom I know and who know me, and it is almost needless for me to assure you that, as it has been in the past so it will be in the future, my aim and object to promote in every legitimate way I can, the general interest and development of West Africa and the peace of the country.

¶17 3. Lattach, as Iam informed you do, much importance to the restoration of peace between you and the countries with which you have unfortunate differences.

¶18 4. Entertaining as I have always such a feeling and a due appreciation of the value of a general good understanding and friendly relationship in our surroundings, I sincerely invite the entertainment by our neighbours of like sentiment.

¶19 5. Iam pained to learn that the unfortunate differences which have fruitlessly, as regards the country’s good, struggled on for years between you and the Ìjẹ̀ṣàs, and others still continue. "The country and people are, I gather, tired generally of the miserable and obstructive state of things, which has done so much mischief, and has been productive of no general benefit ; on the contrary, there have followed bloodshed, loss of life, devastation, desolation, and other miseries.

¶20 6. Good kindly feelings have always existed between you and this colony, may they long continue so; knowing this, I feel it due to inform you of my return.

¶21 7. As regards restoration of tranquility once more to the country, and the desire of the contending parties for mediation to be undertaken by this Government, it may be convenient I should remark that, as a matter of course, distinct and unconditional overtures for peace must be made to this Government by all the parties concerned ; then I may feel myself in a position of being enabled to send an officer into the interior with a view to attempt to effect a peace based upon conditions which are likely to render it a lasting one. Each side should but know what conditions as far as he is concerned he has to offer, and would be most likely to prove of duration. On this part I should like to be clearly informed.

¶22 8. Then it would be well I should be clearly enlightened by each on the nature of the terms of responsibility, as such must rest entirely with the parties craving peace, for the fulfilment of their engagements, if peace be restored each is prepared to offer and accept.

¶23 9. What are the guarantees each will give for his sincerity and earnestness in his appeal for peace.

¶24 10. Each side may, for instance, suggest or voluntarily offer that he will enter into an agreement binding on him to suspend hostilities for, say, six months or any other duration deemed advisable, then there should be no need for fresh supplies of guns and ammunitions for such a time. Such an agreement as to cessation of hostilities, and of armament should be entered into not only at the camps but also at all other places concerned within the territories of the opposing parties.

¶25 11. Each side may, for all I know to the contrary, be prepared to give as hostages influential persons to any arbitrator, appointed by the Government, against treachery during period of withdrawal of encampment to home, so that neither side may have cause to continue the entertainment of any doubt as to security of retreat. Each side may be ready to engage to withdraw his army at a given time, to subsequently disembody it, and to allow component parts to return to their respective towns, homes, and families, and to the resumption once more of peaceful avocations.

¶26 12. From past experience there must be prominent in the minds of contending parties a desire of the Government to befriend them, and to bring about a reconciliation amongst them if they will only place themselves to abide by the settlement the Governor may make.

¶27 13. I shall be glad to hear from you soon, and to receive any representative messengers you may be pleased to send to me, who can faithfully give me your mind on your interior troubles, and satisfy me on the sincerity of your desire for the restoration of peace.

¶28 14. It should not any longer be viewed or allowed that the present disordered state of things in the interior should be subservient merely as I fear has been the case to the advantage of the few. Peace should be established for the common good of all.

¶29 15. The bearer of this letter, the Rev. Samuel Johnson is well known to you all, let me commend him to your kind care and consideration.

¶30 16. I have sent a like communication to the other side.

¶31 17. Both of my messengers may, with the desire and concurrence of parties concerned, meet on the encamping ground.

¶32 Wishing you and your people peace, and to your country an early resumption of peaceful occupation on the part of its inhabitants.

¶33 I have the honour, etc., ALFRED MOLONEY, Governor.

¶34 The Rev. C. Phillips is the bearer of a similar letter to the Èkìtì chiefs, with the exception that "the Rev. C. Phillips" is the messenger named in paragraph 15.

¶35 The writer left Lagos on the 2nd March, 1886, via Ìjẹ̀bú, with an oral message from the Governor to the Balógun of Ìjẹ̀bú to the effect that the Governor being his old friend, desired to announce to him his return to administer the government of Lagos, and that during his administration he wanted peace all over the country. That the bearer of this message was a messenger from him to the interior kings and chiefs for that purpose and that he wished him to convey this to the Awùjalẹ̀.

¶36 This message was delivered to the Balógun in his camp at Oru on the 6th, when the messenger got there. He was so pleased to hear that the Governor saw his way to interfere in the interior difficulties that he at once sent for the other war chiefs to hear the joyful news from the mouth of the Governor’s own messenger.

¶37 He at once despatched a messenger to the new Awùjalẹ̀ asking him to send one of his trusty Agurins to come and hear the good news delivered to him.

¶38 The Awùjalẹ̀ felt rather hurt that he was ignored by not hearing the message first before the Balógun. He said that it was for him to inform the Balógun, and not the Balógun him. However, he would not let his feelings stand in the way of so important a message. He sent an Agiirin as desired, who spoke out the King’s mind on this (what he considered) breach of order; but he was immediately pacified when told that it was just otherwise, but that the Governor only wished to approach his highness through his old friend the Balógun. The Agiirin then said, "The Governor and the Awùjalẹ̀ are of the same mind, wishing nothing else but peace."

¶39 The Ìbàdàn home authorities were much pleased at the prospect of peace, and Tahajo, the senior chief, assured the messenger that the war chiefs would not hesitate to accept the terms of peace with the Governor as arbitrator.

¶40 From Ìbàdàn, the Governor’s messenger proceeded to Ọ̀yọ́. The Rev. D. Olubi of Ìbàdàn, then the Superintendent of the C.M.S. Missions of that district, and who was equally interested in the subject of peace, embraced this opportunity of going with the Governor’s messenger, to pay his usual pastoral visits to Ọ̀yọ́, Ìṣẹ́yìn and Ogbomgsg, and to see what influence he could exert with the King to induce him to send one of his Ìlàrís and His Majesty’s staff, with the Governor’s messenger.

¶41 On the 19th March they had an audience with the King and the following letter from the Governor of Lagos to His Majesty was read to him:

¶42 GOVERNOR MOLONEY, C.M.G., To His Majesty King ADEYEMI OF Ọ̀yọ́. Government House, Lagos, February 27th, 1886.

¶43 King,—I have the honour to convey that I take this opportunity to announce to you my return to Lagos on the 8th ult. and my assumption as Governor of the administration of the Queen’s Colony under that name.

¶44 2. It is a pleasure for me to come among people whom I know, and who know me, and it is almost needless for me to assure you that as it has been in the past so it will be in the future, my aim and object to promote in every legitimate and peaceful way I can the general interest and development of West Africans.

¶45 3. I attach as Iam confident you do, knowing how long you have longed for the restoration of peace to the Yoruba and other interior countries, much importance to the promotion of good relationship, between this colony and our interesting and friendly neighbours, among whom stands prominently yourself.

¶46 4. Entertaining as I have always such a feeling and a due appreciation of the value of general good understanding and friendly relationship in our surroundings, I sincerely invite the entertainment of our neighbours of like sentiment.

¶47 5. I am pained to learn that the unfortunate differences which have fruitlessly as regards the country’s good struggled on for years between the Ìbàdàns and the Ìjẹ̀ṣàs still continue. The country and people are generally tired of the miserable and obstructive state of things which has done so much mischief and been productive of no general good. On the contrary there have followed desolation, bloodshed, and other miseries.

¶48 6. I shall be glad to hear from you soon and to receive any representative messengers you may be pleased to send to me, who can give me your mind on the interior troubles, an end to which should be brought about as soon as possible; such is the cry and desire of every right-minded African having at heart his country’s interest.

¶49 7. I hear both sides are tired of the war. I should be glad to be satisfied that such was the case.

¶50 8. Wishing you and your people every good wish.

¶51 I have the honour, etc., ALFRED MOLONEY, Governor. His Majesty King Adeyemi, The ALÁÀFIN of Ọ̀yọ́.

¶52 After hearing the letter read he said that he was glad that the Governor after all saw his way to interfere and that he was prepared to bear the expenses of whatever it would cost to restore peace to his dominions. He further said that the news was too good to be true, however, he would let the Ọ̀yọ́ Mesi know about it.

¶53 The last sentence cast a damper on the enthusiasm of the messengers. The control of foreign relations is vested in the King and for him to say he would consult the Ọ̀yọ́ Mesi in this matter made it evident that he had ceased to take active interest in the matter. And so it turned out to be. Having sent twice to Lagos (in 1881 and 1882, Mr. A. F. Foster being sent by the Abẹ́òkúta road) on the same subject, one would have expected his active interest and co-operation on this occasion, but it turned out to be otherwise ; the failure of the measures initiated by him must have pained His Majesty, and he did not care to compromise his dignity any more by furthering measures doomed to failure. He did not take into consideration the difference in the personality of the new Governor of Lagos.

¶54 After repeated messages to the palace on the following day, the King at last sent two private gentlemen, and without his staff, as his messengers to Lagos! Taught by the experience of 1881, the Governor’s messenger declined to proceed with these men except with an [lari and the King’s staff. Three times he was waited upon the third day, before he at last granted an Ìlàrí, with his staff, and the Ìlàrí was none other but the same Ọba-ko-se-tan as before!

¶55 The Governor’s messenger with the King’s lari and his staff left Ọ̀yọ́ on the 22nd March and reached the Ìbàdàn camp on the 26th.

¶56 The war chiefs wére glad to see the former but the presence of the latter—with his significant name—cast a damper on their spirits. After hearing the Governor’s letter read they were very reluctant to accede to the Governor’s request of sending down a messenger, saying, "It will all end in failure as before," thinking that an embassy headed by an Ìlàrí, "The King is not ready," can scarcely ever be successful. Consequently they raised one objection after another, alleging the absence of the messenger of the King and the Balógun of Ìjẹ̀bú, that they could not afford to ignore those to whom they were indebted for being able to keep their position at Kíríjí to that day, etc. However, after further deliberation better counsel prevailed, and they agreed to send ° their messengers down with the Governor’s messenger.

¶57 By a happy coincidence, the Governor’s messenger to the other side reached the Èkìtì camp on the same day, and almost at the same hour, and on the following morning both messengers met on the battlefield with their flags of truce and each had good news to tell of the pacific tone of the respective chiefs they were sent to. On the following day they exchanged visits to the opposite camps and both were well received, and were much pleased to know that the chiefs of the opposite camp agreed to the Governor’s interference.

¶58 A proposal emanating from the Èkìtì chiefs pleased the Ìbàdàns very much as showing the sincerity of their motives, viz., that both the messengers of the Governor should visit the Ìlọrin camp and induce the Ìlọrins to agree to the truce, as the hostilities going on at Ọ̀fà were part and parcel of those at Kíríjí and Mọ́dàkẹ́kẹ́, only that they had no control over the independent Ìlọrin chiefs.

¶59 The Ìbàdàn chiefs also proposed that both flags of truce should be set up, and kept flying at the battlefield until the terms of peace were definitely signed. This also was accepted by the Èkìtìs, and it was accordingly done the next day.

¶60 Both messengers read to the chiefs of the opposite camps the letters with which they were entrusted, in order to show that they were identical, the better to secure their confidence.

¶61 The messengers then took leave of each other to meet again at the OOfa and the Ìlọrin camps, each by his own route.

§2. THE ÌlọrinS AND THE PEACE PROPOSALS

¶63 The Ìjẹ̀ṣà chiefs were not willing to allow the messenger of their side (the Rev. C. Phillips) to pass through the Ìbàdàn and Ọ̀fà camps to that of Ìlọrin, although a shorter route of a day and a half’s journey, lest it prejudice the minds of the Ìlọrin chiefs at the outset; he had therefore to take a circuitous route of five days with the messengers of the Ọwá and the Oworeé through the Èkìtì and Igbomina provinces to Karara’s camp near Ọ̀fà.

¶64 The Governor’s Ìbàdàn messenger, who went by the direct route, arrived at Ọ̀fà on the rst of April and met the belligerents on the battlefield fighting, and was not lodged till the battle was over. Similarly the Governor’s Èkìtì messenger who arrived at the Ìlọrin camp on the 3rd met them on the battlefield, but as Karara, their Generalissimo, did not take the field in person that day, he had the opportunity of a preliminary talk with him on the subject of his mission. The battle lasted till 3 p.m. and he lost no time in obtaining permission from the Ìlọrin chiefs to come over to the battlefield to meet his colleague who he was sure would have reached Ọ̀fà. The messenger at Ọ̀fà had instructed the sentinels that as soon as they saw a white flag coming towards them they should send for him, and this they accordingly did, by despatching two men on horseback to apprize him of the same.

¶65 Both messengers welcomed each other on the Ọ̀fà battlefield as they did at Kíríjí; they arranged to rest the next day (being the Lord’s day) and to commence work on the Monday as they did at Kíríjí.

¶66 Although Chief Karara received the Rev. C. Phillips well, yet he showed plainly by his conduct that he was not agreeable to the mission; he appeared rather indifferent and his replies were evasive. When he heard the Governor’s letter read, he said, "The Ìbàdàns are so treacherous that we cannot agree to an armistice, and again I cannot act without the orders of my King and therefore I cannot say anything good or bad."

¶67 At a second interview the Rev. Phillips had with him he repeated the same thing and laid so much stress on "the King’s orders "that the messenger asked whether he wished him to go to Morin to obtain the King’s consent. The General was glad of the proposal, which he said he could not have made, but he wished that he should be accompanied by his colleague of the other side, and that they together visit the King at Ìlọrin.

¶68 This was perhaps to test the sincerity of the Governor’s messenger. The latter objected, but the General insisted upon it that he should not go to Ìlọrin alone without his colleague at Ọ̀fà, adding that as the Governor did not send to them direct, and that this visit to his camp was an afterthought, it was but giving King Alihu the respect due to him that both messengers should go together to deliver the Governor’s message to him.

¶69 The Rev. C. Phillips came over the next day to inform his colleague of Karara’s proposal. Although they were not sent as far as to Ìlọrin yet they were resolved to leave no stone unturned in order to bring about the desired peace, even at their own risk.

¶70 Accordingly both of them went, accompanied by Adu the General’s swordbearer, and the messengers of the Ọwá, Oworé and Ògèdèngbé. It was but a day’s journey, Ìlọrin was reached the same evening. The King did not lodge them, but sent them back with Karara’s messengers to Karara’s house, which augured ill for their mission.

¶71 At Karara’s house the accommodation given them was a room in which the smallpox epidemic had destroyed all the inmates thereof, the rags and rubbish of the deceased being still left in it uncleared away ; they had therefore to sleep in the open air and fortunately for them the weather was fair during the few days they spent at Ìlọrin.

¶72 The next thing which augured the failure of the mission was the reception the King gave the messengers. He had no private interview with them, they were sent for to deliver their message in open court amid the assembly of men, women and children, with a few of the chiefs. After reading to them the Governor’s letter to the belligerents, King Alihu asked whether the Ìbàdàn and Èkìtì kings had heard it read, and whether it was acceptable to them. We replied in the affirmative. He then asked, "Why then did the Ìbàdàns give battle to the Èkìtìs after the arrival of the Governor’s messenger among them?" He was told that the last battle fought took place five days before the arrival of the messengers to the camps. After a pause he asked, "When are you returning? "" As soon as Your Majesty sends us back, even if it be to-morrow," was the reply. "You shall wait three days more," continued he, "and I believe the Governor will not take it ill when he knows that it was I who detained you."

¶73 With this reply the messengers were sent back to their lodgings, amid the jeers and scorn of these Mohammedan fanatics who were calling them names, styling them ‘ Anasaras" (i.e., Nazarenes) etc. There was no doubt but that communications passed between Ìlọrin and the camp in the meantime.

¶74 The King dismissed the messengers the third day with these words :

¶75 "I have not much to say. Who should be entreated to give up a struggle, the assailant or the assailed? I want peace myself therefore my words will be few. The stronger should be entreated to let go the weaker." Turning to the Governor’s Ìbàdàn messenger he asked, "How many days it took you from Ìbàdàn to the camp?" "Five days." "And from the Ìbàdàn camp to Ọ̀fà?" "One day." "And how many from Ọ̀fà to Ìlọrin? ""Only one day." "Well," continued His Majesty, "the fact that the distance from Ìbàdàn to our camp being six days and from the camp to Ìlọrin but one day shows that I am not the aggressor ; we are the weaker party and are only on the defensive. Our camp may be described as a shield raised to defend our country against reckless invaders. I am thankful to the Governor for his message and I will instruct my Balógun to send you back with a good message."

¶76 On asking the King if he would send a messenger to accompany -us back to the Governor he replied, "If the Governor had sent to me direct I might doso." Being asked further whether he would comply with the Governor’s wish in suspending hostilities for six months and accept him as an Arbitrator, he replied, "That is not my business, that is the Balógun’s business." Then turning to the Balógun’s messenger the King said, "Tell your master to agree to whatever the Governor’s messengers tell him." With these words the Governor’s messengers left Ìlọrin for Karara’s camp, where they arrived on the morning of April 1oth, 1886.

¶77 Karara congratulated them on their safe return and told the Governor’s Ìbàdàn messenger to send his boys over to Ọ̀fà at once in order to allay their apprehensions, but that he should himself wait till the afternoon when he would convene a meeting of the war chiefs to hear the Governor’s message and to reply to the same. Soon after the Governor’s messenger returned from the battlefield whither he had accompanied his boys on their way to Ọ̀fà, the Balógun Karara sent for him and his colleague and told them that one of his slaves had just escaped to Ọ̀fà, and that if he had not suspended hostilities since their arrival the slave would not have had the chance of doing so; and that was one reason why he could not agree to the armistice of six months according to the Governor’s wish.

¶78 The messengers replied that they had nothing to do with the escaping of slaves, and objected to his connecting it with the suspension of hostilities, for slaves could always manage to escape at any time.

¶79 He then began to brag and boast of his prowess, detailing the number of successful battles he had fought with the Ìbàdàns in this place. He gave an account of the origin and progress of this war from the time of the defeat of the Ìlọrins before Ìkirun at the

¶80 Jalumi war. This, he said, was his third camp before Ọ̀fà, and from here that city would be taken. He stated how he had fought with and killed in one day the Balógun and Ọ̀tún of Ogbomoso, and had tried conclusions with every one of the Ìbàdàn chiefs except the Are himself. They the Ìlọrins had been masters of several towns in the Ọ̀yọ́ and Èkìtì provinces and had their Ajeles (political Residents) in them ; but the Ìbàdàns had ousted them from every one of them and would like to oust them from Ọ̀fà also! That he would agree to the armistice of six months only on condition that the Ìbàdàns withdrew their contingents from Ọ̀fà. He said, moreover, that the Ìbàdàns were remarkable for their treachery "but could they equal the Fulanis for wiliness and cunning? The Fulanis have seven different tricks, they have only used one as yet against Ọ̀fà and Ìbàdàn, before they have made use of the remaining six Ọ̀fà will be taken."

¶81 "Two years ago the Sultan of Gando sent his envoy here to mediate between us. We observed the armistice for five months. Not only did we suspend hostilities, but also allowed traders on both sides to carry on between Ọ̀fà and Ìlọrin and even beyond. Unexpectedly the Ìbàdàns shut their gates upon our traders, they refused to release them though we sent back their people to them."

¶82 He went on to say that the Ìbàdàns were the common enemy of all, for even the ALÁÀFIN their King was on friendly terms with Ìlọrin and had exchanged presents with the King of Ìlọrin. "If the Governor would interfere at all let him bid the Ìbàdàns retire from the Èkìtì and Ìlọrin territories."

¶83 He went on further to dilate on his own prowess, and what his horses could do, and as a proof thereof he sent for the son of the King of Erin, captured a few days before the arrival of the messengers, heavily-laden with a couple of chains, for them to see him and hear from his own mouth. "Whose son are you?" "The son of the King of Erin." "How came you to be here? ""T was captured by the Ìlọrin horse." "Go back to your prison."

¶84 After all this talk the messengers were dismissed to prepare for the afternoon meeting.

¶85 About 3 p.m. a full meeting was convened in Karara’s reception room, all the war chiefs being present before he sent for the Governor’s messengers. The General opened the meeting by introducing to them those who were present thus :

¶86 "Sitting on my left are the Balógun of the Fulanis, Ajikobi the Balógun of the Yorubas, and the last in order the Balógun of the 4th Standard of the Ìlọrin army, I myself being the Balógun of the Gambaris. Sitting before me are Agidiako the Balógun of Ọ̀fà who deserted to me at the rebellion of the King of Ọ̀fà; next to him is Ogunmodede the head of the Ìjẹ̀ṣà contingents here. Sitting on my right are the Princes, the King’s brothers. Now go on to deliver your message."

¶87 The Rev. C. Phillips read to them the Governor’s letter to the belligerents, after which Karara threw the subject open for discussion. The Balógun of the Fulanis began and was followed by each of the others, giving vent to their feelings in bitter invectives. One of them exclaimed, "A new era is come for us and Alinu’s Jehad has had a fresh start, we shall carry the koran to the sea."

¶88 Karara himself spoke last in the same strain. One and all of them evinced bitter feelings against the Governor’s Ìbàdàn messenger in particular, now and then calling him "You Ọ̀fà man," and further, "If you choose to remain at Ọ̀fà you shall see what we can do." Another said, "In a few days we shall take Ọ̀fà, and you, if you remain there, will be taken." And another, "If you loiter on your way back to Ọ̀fà the horsemen will be upon you." and so on to that effect.

¶89 The Governor’s messenger replied," ] am not an Ọ̀fà man, but the Governor’s messenger." "Yes, we know that," replied one of them. "Did you not go three days ago when at Ìlọrin to see your grandmother’s grave? But you have come to us through Ọ̀fà and anyone who did we call an Ọ̀fà man and is our enemy and worthy of death."

¶90 The messengers were thereupon dismissed. Seeing the excited feelings of the mob, a kind-hearted man standing by suggested to the Governor’s Ìbàdàn messenger, "Had you not better ask Karara for some one to escort you across, otherwise the mob will have torn your dress from your body ere you get to the gate of the camp. This friendly advice was followed, and the General told off his sword-bearer to escort the Governor’s messenger as far as the locust tree in the battlefield where he used to take his seat on the day of battle. His colleague also was permitted to accompany him as far, and they stood there till they saw the messenger safely at Ọ̀fà.

¶91 The Ọ̀fà people were quite prepared for the failure of the mission ; they said they expected as much, and would never have allowed the effort to be made, but that they thought that probably the respect due to messengers from the Governor of Lagos might carry some weight with the Ìlọrins.

¶92 The Ìlọrins, true to their word and to show to both messengers that they were determined to take Ọ̀fà, attacked the city furiously on the next day. The battle raged from the morning till the afternoon when both sides returned to their respective camps.

¶93 The Olofa’s Statements.—Before the Governor’s messenger left Ọ̀fà, he had an interview with the Olofa, who made the following statements as to the true cause of the war:

¶94 "We are pure Yorubas by descent, and as such the subjects of the ALÁÀFIN of Ọ̀yọ́. It was after the fall of the ancient capital and the ascendancy of the Fulanis at Ìlọrin that we became subjected to the conquerors. We have been loyal to them ever since, we paid our tributes regularly, performed every menial work for them and submitted to all indignities without any complaints. We built their houses, worked their farms, and at every confinement in the King’s harem we are to give tributes in money called ‘ soap money ’ meaning soap to wash the babies with. Such was the menial servitude to which we were compelled to submit. Besides all these we served in all their wars. To all these we submitted in order to avoid such a crisis as this.

¶95 "But nine years ago the King of Ìlọrin sent to inform my late father, the then Olofa, of his intentions to wage war with the Ìbàdàns. My father warned him against embarking on such an enterprise, so unnecessary and so risky, the Ìbàdàns having given no cause of offence ; on the contrary their influence on the whole had been for good, for the whole of the Yoruba country in general, and the Ìlọrins also, had derived much benefit from the same.

¶96 "This advice offended the Ìlọrin king and chiefs and they had ever since regarded us as traitors and rebels. My father had to pay heavy fines for his advice, so heavy that all Ọ̀fà and her dependent towns had to subscribe to it, and yet they were not appeased. Again and again my father sent to assure the King of our loyalty and each time he used to utter smooth words and evasive replies.

¶97 "In spite of the warnings the Ìlọrins joined the Èkìtì confederates and besieged Igbájọ which they destroyed, and proceeded to Ìkirun, and there the Ìbàdàns dealt them a crushing blow in the Jalumi war. Those of them who escaped here naked and destitute we clothed and fed, the well-to-do we sent home on horseback. All this we did to please our masters, but all in vain. Three days later they intended to resent the shame and disgrace of their defeat upon us by taking Ọ̀fà by stratagem. A large army was collected and war was ostensibly declared against Erin, a suburb town of ours, my father being apprized of this so-called expedition replied that Erin could not be taken except Ọ̀fà be removed out of the way. Then war was openly declared against Ọ̀fà.

¶98 "Such was the cause of the present war. We had done nothing really to provoke it

¶99 "Three years ago the Sultan of Gando sent Potun one of his officers to mediate between us and to effect peace ; for four months there was an armistice after which the war was resumed. The Ìlọrins accused us of breaking the truce, which was a false charge, for while the negotiation was going on, instead of breaking up the camp they were removing it nearer and nearer, swelling their numbers by fresh recruits from home, and strengthening their position. Secret intelligence reached us from the Ìlọrin camp that we should be taken by surprise. The Are of Ìbàdàn hearing this sent at once to put a stop to communications. This order was given not a minute too soon, for the report came on that very day that the Ìlọrins had seized all the Ìbàdàn and Ọ̀fà people at Ìlọrin and in the camp. All the Ìlọrin people shut up at Ọ̀fà I collected and sent home, and Karara released also those of ours they had seized in their camp. If anything is said to the contrary it is absolutely false, we neither broke the truce nor was the initiative in releasing captives theirs. We shall be thankful if the Governor will interfere and save us and our people from undeserved ruin."

¶100 The Governor’s messenger left Ọ̀fà on the 12th of April and arrived next day at the Kíríjí camp to await his colleague.

§3. THE MESSENGERS AND PRELIMINARY ARRANGEMENTS AT KÍRÍJÍ AND MỌ́DÀKẸ́KẸ́

¶102 On the third day (April 15th) after the arrival of the Governor’s messenger at the Ìbàdàn camp, an incident worth recording occurred which nearly marred the success of this mission entirely.

¶103 A young man in the Ìbàdàn camp who was out of his mind went to the Elebolo camp, where an advanced column of the Ìbàdàn army was stationed under Chief Enimowu. He had in his hand a bow without an arrow and roaming all over the camp at night, he kept shouting, "In heaven it was decreed that the war should come to an end, but you Elebolo soldiers are obstinate. The Balógun, the Máyè, Agbakin, Timi of Èdè, Atawoja of Òṣogbo, and the Olobu of Ilobu have all agreed that peace should be restored, but ye refuse, and yet at the day of battle, you prove yourselves cowards and cannot fight. I am just from the rock in the battlefield where I found this arrowless bow, a sure sign of the decree of heaven that hostilities should cease."

¶104 The man was taken to Enimowu that night, to whom he repeated the same words. Early next morning Enimowu went to the Balógun to report the incident, and it was surmised that the Governor’s messenger must have sent one of his boys to proclaim these words! The Balógun then sent for the messenger to come with his boy, he then questioned them as to the message the boy was sent to proclaim at the Elebolo camp last night.

¶105 Of course they denied all knowledge of any such thing. Enimowu thereupon confronted them, describing how the boy came with a bow in his hand, and how clad, and what he said. But the messenger’s boy said he went nowhere last night, whilst Enimowu insisted that he did for he saw him himself. At this stage it dawned on Ogo, one of the Balógun’s young men, that there is a lunatic abroad, answering to the description of Enimowu, and who was accustomed to roam about the camp at night. It was suggested therefore that he should be sent for. Ogungbeniro, the master of the lunatic, was reluctant to allow him out by day, but as the Balógun insisted that he should be brought, the lunatic himself sent a message to the Balógun to say if he wanted to see him he should come himself to him, as inferiors must always go to their superiors. Then the whole incident became a matter of laughter as a huge joke. Ogungbeniro was, however, ordered to remove him from the camp at once, lest he might one day take it into his head to set the camp on fire.

¶106 The Governor’s Èkìtì messenger arrived on the other side on the 16th and hastened early on the 17th to his colleague at the Ìbàdàn camp to announce his arrival.

¶107 The Ìjẹ̀ṣà chieftains were much disappointed at the failure of the negotiation with the Ìlọrins ; but the Ìbàdàns did not expect otherwise. Ògèdèngbé, the Èkìtì Generalissimo, however, said "If the Ìlọrins would not agree to peace there was no reason why he should not on his part accept it." The Ìbàdàn chiefs hearing this urged on Ògèdèngbé to act the part of a plenipotentiary to the Ìlọrins and to do his best to bring them to reason, and this he did by sending a special messenger at once, but the Ìlọrins would not yield. The astute Ìlọrins, as we have mentioned above (vide p. 448), had taken the precaution of holding the Èkìtìs fast to the alliance by placing a contingent force among them, whilst retaining an Èkìtì auxiliary force among themselves which they held more or less as a hostage.

¶108 The belligerents at Kíríjí now proceeded with preliminary arrangements between themselves, through the Governor’s messengers of both sides. Chief Ògèdèngbé sent to the Ìbàdàn chiefs to say, that whilst both parties had agreed to an armistice, and that hostilities should cease between them for at least six months until the Governor or his deputy should arrive among them they should not avail themselves of the opportunity for reinforcing their contingents at Ọ̀fà and at Mọ́dàkẹ́kẹ́. The Ìbàdàns could not promise that because the safety of their position here depended upon defensive measures in both places, unless the Èkìtìs would pledge themselves not to reinforce both places against them ; for if they heard that the fighting was getting unusually strong, and that their men were likely to be overpowered, they could not help sending reinforcement. Next, the Ìbàdàn chiefs considering that the interval of six months’ truce being so long, and the possibility of some misunderstanding arising which in the absence of the Governor’s messengers, might undo the work now begun proposed that a special messenger on either side be appointed to meet in the battlefield every morning with the compliments of their respective masters, and if any untoward incident should occur, that they should have the power of arranging matters amicably. This proposal pleased the Èkìtìs so well that at their suggestion two were appointed on either side as a provision against illness or any disability, and a third from the Ìbàdàn Elebolo camp who was to report on the approach of the messengers on eitherside. The principal messenger appointed by the Balógun was Osun and the Agbakin appointed another to represent the other war chiefs. The principal messenger appointed by Ògèdèngbé was Lupon, and another was appointed to represent the rest of the Èkìtì war chiefs, and all met with the Governor’s messengers at the battlefield under the flags of truce, first on one side, and then on the other side, a little ceremony being performed by this small party. The hands of the special messengers of both sides were joined by the Governor’s messengers in friendship, and by the ALÁÀFIN’s Ìlàrí and the Ọwá’s messenger in the name of their respective masters. They were enjoined to have a friendly intercourse with each other to help to preserve peace until the arrival of the Governor or his Deputy. The ceremony was concluded by a ratification of the promises made, by the splitting of kola nuts.

¶109 The Governor’s messengers, and those of the King and the Ọwá thereupon bade each other adieu to meet again at the Ifẹ̀ and Mọ́dàkẹ́kẹ́ battlefield each by his own route.

¶110 The war chiefs on either side were grateful to the Governor for his disinterested interposition, and this they showed by sending some valuable presents to him by the hands of the accredited messengers of either side. The Ìbàdàn chiefs sent him a horse and an alari cloth, the Balógun an ivory tusk, the Ọwá and Èkìtì kings also sent valuable presents. Certain messengers whose names will be found below were deputed to accompany the Governor’s messengers to Lagos according to his wishes expressed in Clause 13 of the "Instructions."

¶111 At Mọ́dàkẹ́kẹ́.—The Governor’s Èkìtì messenger had this time a shorter route than his Ìbàdàn colleague, who did not reach Moda

¶112 keke till the 24th of April. The latter, however, lost no time in setting up his flag, and going to the battlefield to meet his colleague who he was sure must have arrived at the Ifẹ̀ camp some days previously ; but he had to wait till 6 p.m. before the colleague made his appearance, and explained the difficulties in their way. The Ifẹ̀s would not listen to any pourparlers whatever until the Mọ́dàkẹ́kẹ́s should explain the reason for their being in arms and prepared for a battle the previous day; they regarded that action as a challenge they must take up. But the explanation was soon made, for the Governor’s Ìbàdàn messenger had heard the story as soon as he arrived. The Mọ́dàkẹ́kẹ́s having heard a shout in the Ifẹ̀ camp on the night previous, similar to what usually took place when the Ifẹ̀s were worshipping the god of war previously to a battle, consequently put themselves in readiness against a sudden attack ; it is this precaution of theirs the Ifẹ̀s construed into a challenge. This explanation satisfied the Ifẹ̀s who came with the Governor’s Èkìtì messenger ; the latter had had great difficulty with the Ifẹ̀s in preventing them from giving battle that day under the plea of taking up the "challenge."

¶113 The Ifẹ̀ chiefs being satisfied with the explanation of the so-called challenge agreed to confer with the Governor’s Èkìtì messenger, and subsequently allowed him to visit his colleague at Mọ́dàkẹ́kẹ́, the same methods being pursued in this place as at Kíríjí. The meetings took place on the 25th and 26th, after which interchange of visits were allowed the Governor’s messengers both at Mọ́dàkẹ́kẹ́ and at the Ifẹ̀ camp.

¶114 During the conference at Mọ́dàkẹ́kẹ́ the report of a gun was heard which startled them all ; upon enquiry, however, it was found to have been fired at the Ìjẹ̀bú camp at Isoya.

¶115 The Mọ́dàkẹ́kẹ́ chiefs readily assented to the armistice as their overlords at the Kíríjí camp had done; they however stipulated that the Ifẹ̀s should refrain from kidnapping them in their farms.

¶116 Both the Governor’s messengers then went over to the Ifẹ̀s with the result of the conference on this side, and the requests of the Mọ́dàkẹ́kẹ́ chiefs. Before listening to what they had to say, the Ifẹ̀s first wanted to know the meaning of the firing of a gun on the previous day. That was explained to them. It was done at Isoya. On hearing of the requests of the Mọ́dàkẹ́kẹ́s they replied that they themselves had one request to make, viz., that they should be allowed to go and rebuild their city. But the Governor’s messenger pointed out that that was too advanced a step to take, which would surely bring about a collision. The Ifẹ̀s moreover objected not to the armistice but to the hoisting of the flag of truce on their soil, which was "sacred to Odùduwà, who was a

¶117 King." But they agreed that two "heaps of witness "be raised on either side, and that two messengers,on either side be appointed to meet each other in the battlefield every morning as was arranged at Kíríjí. This being done, both the messengers of the Governor and the ALÁÀFIN’S Ìlàrí and the Ọwá’s messenger joined the hands of the appointed deputies of both sides as was done at Kíríjí. Both parties now shook hands and parted, each by his own route, to meet again at Lagos.

¶118 The Apology of Mọ́dàkẹ́kẹ́.—Before the Governor’s messenger left Mọ́dàkẹ́kẹ́, the principal chiefs had a meeting to state for the benefit of the Governor their own version of the present war between themselves and the Ifẹ̀s. An old man of probably about 100 years of age was sent for, and he came, leaning upon a staff ; he was a boy when Mọ́dàkẹ́kẹ́ was settled. The main object in giving the history of the foundation of Mọ́dàkẹ́kẹ́ was to rebut the oft-repeated story that they were slaves to the Ifẹ̀s. He stated (as we have learnt above) that they were originally refugees from the Ancient Ọ̀yọ́ Provinces, who escaped south when the Fulanis became masters of the country. They were well received at first at Ifẹ̀, and treated with much sympathy and cordiality, but the turning point of the cordial relations came when Máyè the Ifẹ̀ general was expelled from Ìbàdàn, and the Ọ̀yọ́s gained the ascendancy in that town. Then a systematic method of cruelty began to be practised on the Ọ̀yọ́s of the city of Ifẹ̀, they were treated more as slaves than as freemen till a favourable Owoni (or king of Ifẹ̀) assigned them this settlement of Mọ́dàkẹ́kẹ́.

¶119 Odunle was the Owoni they met who treated them well, the disaffection began towards the close of his reign.

¶120 Gbanlare succeeded him. He was more friendly disposed.

¶121 Gbegbaaje, who succeeded, revived the animosity ; some of them were even sold into slavery, no one questioning.

¶122 Winmolaje, who succeeded, was kind to them as he appreciated their services in assisting to suppress Ìjẹ̀ṣà kidnappers who were committing depredations in Ifẹ̀ territory.

¶123 Ab’eweila, who succeeded, made the Ifẹ̀s swear, before he accepted office, that they would not find a pretext to murder him as they did so many of his predecessors. By this time the Ọ̀yọ́s had become very important in the state, having one Wingbolu as their chief. The Ifẹ̀s soon broke their faith and wanted to kill the Owoni. A civil war ensued but the Owoni was too strong for them ; he defeated them. The Ọ̀yọ́s were neutral. The Owoni then questioned Wingbolu why the Ọ̀yọ́s were neutral. He boldly replied that if the Ọ̀yọ́s had been invited by his enemies he could not have thus gained the upper hand, or if the Owoni himself had invited them, his victory would have been more complete. This answer the Owoni pondered over, and as a result assigned them this settlement so that all Ọ̀yọ́s should remove from the City of Ifẹ̀ to this place, and he had a strong guard of Ọ̀yọ́s in his palace. Soon their numbers rapidly increased in the settlement. This favouring of Ọ̀yọ́s irritated the Ifẹ̀s the more against him.

¶124 After his death, which was due to poison by the Ifẹ̀s, the Mọ́dàkẹ́kẹ́s met and repelled two attacks of the Ifẹ̀s on their settlement ; at the first of which they captured 12,070 of them but subsequently released them because they had not the heart to enslave their quondam benefactors.

¶125 But thirty days after when one Chief Ogumakin received reinforcement from Oke Igbo the Ifẹ̀s attacked them again, and were defeated again. At this second time they followed up the victory, captured the City of Ifẹ̀ and ventured to sell the Ifẹ̀s caught.

¶126 The city was however rebuilt in 1854 by the advice of Ògúnmọ́lá, the Ìbàdàn general. Under the Ìbàdàns they had lived amicably together until the present war, which had largely divided the interests of the country, the Ifẹ̀s sympathizing with the Èkìtìs, and the Mọ́dàkẹ́kẹ́s whose safety and interests were intertwined with those of Ìbàdàn cast their lots with the Ìbàdàns. He further related all that took place between them during the war up to the present time.

¶127 Chief Tahajo of Ìbàdàn, who was twice sent to reconcile the Ifẹ̀s and Mọ́dàkẹ́kẹ́s together, also made his own statement showing the efforts at reconciliation that were put forth and the implacability of the Ifẹ̀s, who broke faith and fired the first shot from a tree.

¶128 All these statements, as they have been noted in full above, were duly recorded to be placed before the Governor.

¶129 The Governor’s messenger left Mọ́dàkẹ́kẹ́ on the 28th of April, and after a short stay at Ìbàdàn proceeded to Lagos via Ìjẹ̀bú.

¶130 The new Awùjalẹ̀ of Ìjẹ̀bú, who was all for peace, was very glad to hear of the armistice at the seat of war. He assembled his chiefs to hear the report from the mouth of the messenger himself, and at their advice he willingly sent his messengers down with the Governor’s messenger to show that he was at one with those who wished for peace.

¶131 The following is the list of messengers who accompanied those of the Governor down :—

¶132 In the Ọ̀yọ́ and Ìbàdàn district :—

¶133 The Rev. S. Johnson, the Governor’s messenger to the Ọ̀yọ́s. Obakosetan, envoy of the ALÁÀFIN, Feudal head of the Ọ̀yọ́ Yoruba country. Belewu, representing the Ọ̀yọ́ nobility.

¶134 Arinde, messenger of the Balógun of Ìbàdàn. Atere, from the Máyè, representing the Ìbàdàn war Ìbàdàn chiefs. Elegbede, from Tahajo, representing the Ìbàdàn home authorities. Awonimesin, messenger of the Awùjalẹ̀ of Ìjẹ̀bú. Ogundeko, also messenger of the Awùjalẹ̀ of Ìjẹ̀bú. Odusajo, confidential messenger of the Balógun of Ìjẹ̀bú. Those of the other side :— Rev. C. Phillips, the Governor’s messenger to the Èkìtì parapo Tjesa Apelidiagba, messenger of the Ọwá of Ilẹ̀ṣà. - Olukoni, also messenger of the Ọwá of Ilẹ̀ṣà. be messenger of the Owére of Ọ̀tún.

¶135 Ìjẹ̀bú

¶136 Orisalusi, messenger of the Ajero of Ijero.

¶137 Obasa, messenger of the Olojudo of Ido.

¶138 Dawudu, messenger of Ògèdèngbé, Èkìtì Commander-in-Chief.

¶139 Lomi, messenger of King Manuwa of Itebu.

¶140 Akinlamu, messenger of the Osimowe of Ondo.

¶141 Saba, messenger of the Elders of Ondo.

¶142 Èkìtì

¶143 Itebu Ondo

§ 4. THE TREATY OF PEACE

¶145 The Governor of Lagos had several interviews with the different envoys and messengers from the interior kings and chiefs, from which he gathered much information ; His Excellency thereupon drew up a treaty which was read and interpreted to them and which obtained their assent on the whole.

¶146 Obakosetan, the ALÁÀFIN’S envoy, however objected to Clause 5 of the treaty which refers to the removal of Mọ́dàkẹ́kẹ́ from its present site, but he was told that as he had already agreed to the Governor’s arbitration he could not object to any article of the treaty. The treaty was accordingly signed by all the envoys and messengers on behalf of their masters.

¶147 The following is the text of the treaty:

¶148 Treaty of peace, friendship and commerce between the ALÁÀFIN of Ọ̀yọ́, the Balógun, the Máyè, the Abese, the Agbakin, the Ọ̀tún Bále of. Ìbàdàn; the Ọwá of Ilẹ̀ṣà, the Owore of Ọ̀tún, the Ajero of Ijero, the Olojudo of Ido, the Sẹ́rìkí of Ilẹ̀ṣà, the Owoni of Ifẹ̀, the Obalufe, the Obajiwo, the Obaloran, the Ajaruwa, the Arode, the Arisanre, the Balógun of Ifẹ̀; the Ogunsuwa of Mọ́dàkẹ́kẹ́, the Balógun and Ọ̀tún of Mọ́dàkẹ́kẹ́, the Awùjalẹ̀ of Ìjẹ̀bú and the Balógun of Ìjẹ̀bú.

¶149 Whereas the Kings, Chiefs, Balóguns and Chiefs above enumerated, parties to this Treaty, and to the conditions and articles of agreement hereinafter set forth, profess to be earnestly desirous to put a stop to the devastating war which has for years been waged in their own and adjoining countries, and to secure the blessings of lasting peace to themselves and their peoples, and have appealed by their envoys and messengers duly accredited to His Excellency the Governor of the Colony of Lagos as representing Her Most Gracious Majesty the Queen to mediate between them, and to arbitrate, and determine such terms and conditions as shall secure a just and honourable peace to the contending parties, and have each and all of them agreed to abide by such arbitration and determination, and to do his and their utmost endeavour to carry into effect the terms and conditions so arranged and determined. And whereas the envoys and messengers duly accredited by the aforesaid Kings, Báles, Balóguns and Chiefs have been received in audience by His Excellency the Governor, and have themselves assented both verbally and in writing to the terms and conditions of peace hereinafter specified, and have agreed to be bound thereby, and faithfully to observe the same.

¶150 Now this is to testify that the Kings, Báles, Balóguns and Chiefs aforesaid hereby ratify and confirm the said agreement made and entered into by their envoys and messengers for them and on their behalf and solemnly pledge themselves faithfully, loyally and strictly to observe and carry out the following terms and conditions so far as they are individually or collectively concerned :—

¶151 1. There shall be peace and friendship between the Kings, Báles, Balóguns and Chiefs, the signatories to this Treaty and their peoples respectively and the Kings, Báles, Balóguns and Chiefs aforesaid hereby engage for themselves and their peoples that they will cease from fighting and will remain within or retire to their own territories as herein provided, and will in all things submit themselves to such directions as may seem necessary or expedient to the Governor of Lagos for better and more effectually securing the object of this Treaty.

¶152 2. The Kings, Chiefs and peoples comprising the Ekitiparapo alliance or confederation on the one hand, and the Bále, Balógun, Chiefs and people of Ìbàdàn on the other shall respectively retain their independence.

¶153 3. The ALÁÀFIN and Ọwá shall stand to each other in the relationship of the elder brother to the younger as before when the Èkìtì countries were independent.

¶154 4. The towns of Otan, Iresi, Ada, and Igbájọ shall form part of the territories of Ìbàdàn, and be subject to the Bále, Balógun and Chiefs of Ìbàdàn. Such of the inhabitants of the towns aforesaid as desire to leave shall be permitted to do so at such time and in such manner as the Governor, his envoy, or messenger shall direct after conference with the governments of the parties principally concerned, and such people shall not be molested by the signatories their peoples or allies.

¶155 5. In order to preserve peace the town of Mọ́dàkẹ́kẹ́ shall be reconstructed on the land lying between the Osun and the Ọba rivers to the north of its present situation, and such of the people of Mọ́dàkẹ́kẹ́ as desire to live under the rule of the Bále and Balógun of Ìbàdàn shall withdraw from the present town to the land mentioned, at such times and in such manner as the Governor his envoy or messenger shall direct after conference with the governments of the parties principally concerned, and such of the people as desire to live with the Ifẹ̀s shall be permitted to do so but shall not remain in the present town of Mọ́dàkẹ́kẹ́, which shall remain the territory and under the rule of the king and chiefs of Ifẹ̀, who may deal with the same as they may think expedient.

¶156 6. Except as herein provided the boundaries of the territories of the respective parties and signatories shall remain as at present and shall not be interfered with.

¶157 7. The Kíríjí camp shall be broken up and the contending parties agree quietly and peaceably and without any demonstration to withdraw their armies and their peoples at such time or times in such manner, and by such routes as shall be directed by the Governor, his envoy or messenger after conference with the governments of the parties principally concerned.

¶158 8. The signatories engage themselves at or immediately after the signature of this treaty or at such times as may be directed by the Governor, his envoy or messenger after conference with the parties principally concerned, to withdraw their peoples and warriors and allies employed or associated with the contending peoples or armies at Mọ́dàkẹ́kẹ́, Isoya, or elsewhere, and wherever such allies or people or warriors may be employed in war, or likely to foster or promote war, and further when their peoples, warriors, and allies have been withdrawn, and the camp of Kíríjí broken up and dispersed to do their utmost by peaceful and friendly means to bring about peace at Ọ̀fà.

¶159 9. The signatories bind themselves to endeavour in every legitimate way to promote trade and commerce, and to abstain from dissension and acts likely to promote strife.

¶160 10. The signatories agree if any cause of strife or dissension should still exist after the ratification and carrying out of these conditions which is not dealt with herein, to refer such cause or matter unreservedly to the arbitration of the Governor of the Lagos Colony and peaceably and without resorting to strife or provocation to await his determination thereof and abide by it, testifying their gratitude to Her Majesty’s Government for efforts already made and undertaken in their interest and their sincerity and earnestness in the cause of general peace and goodwill.

¶161 11. The armistice now existing petween the hostile forces in the camps of Kíríjí and Isoya shall be promoted, and the signatories bind themselves to cease from all warlike operations or acts of provocation, and to do their utmost to promote friendly relations until the Governor, his envoy or messenger shall be able to, and shall communicate with the signatories hereto.

¶162 12. As a guarantee of good faith, and for the further and better securing the objects of this treaty and the faithful and strict observance of the terms and conditions thereof, the signatories agree to place in the hands of the Governor his envoy or messenger as and when he may determine, such of their leading chiefs as he may require as hostages, who will continue and remain with him on the battlefield of Kíríjí, whilst the armies and peoples of the respective signatories are dispersing therefrom, and for and during such time or period as the circumstances or necessities of the case may require, or to give such other or further guarantees as may seem just or expedient to the Governor, his envoy or messenger.

¶163 In witness thereof we have hereunto put our hands and seals the days and dates specified.

¶164 ©O ONY AnNAW D

¶165 Name. Title. Country, iMk.| Seal. Date.

¶166 . Adeyemi.. | The Aláàfin of Ọ̀yọ́ x | LS { June 25th, 1886. . Àjàyí... | Balógun Ìbàdàn x | LS July 1st, 1886.

¶167 Osuntoki Máyè Ìbàdàn x | LS July ist, 1886. . Fijabi Abese Ìbàdàn x | LS | July ist, 1886. . Fajinmi .. | Agbakin . | Ìbàdàn x | LS | July ist, 1886. . Tahajo Ọ̀tún Bále .. | Ìbàdàn x | LS | June 14th,1886. . Agunloye Ọwá Ilẹ̀ṣà x | LS July 7th, 1886. , Okinbaloye | Owore Ọ̀tún x | LS July 3rd, 1886. . Oyiyosoye | Ajero Tjero x | LS | July 3rd, 1886. . Odundun Olojudo Ido x | LS | July 3rd, 1886. . Ògèdèngbé | Sẹ́rìkí .. | Ilẹ̀ṣà x | LS | July 2nd, 1886. . Derin Owoni-elect Ifẹ̀ x | LS | July 18th, 1886. . Awotionde | Obalufe Ifẹ̀ x | LS | July 14th, 1886, . Oramuyiwa | Obajiwo Ifẹ̀ x | LS | July 14th, 1886, . Akíntọ́lá .. | Obaloran Ifẹ̀ x | LS | July 16th, 1886,

¶168 Name. Title. Country. \Mk.| Seal. Date.

¶169 16. Osundulu Ajaruwa Ifẹ̀ x | LS | July 14th, 1886. 17. Jojo Arode Ifẹ̀ x | LS | July 14th, 1886. 18. Aworinlo Arisaure Ite x | LS | July 14th, 1886. 19. Oga Balógun Ifẹ̀ .. | x | LS | July r4th, 1886, 20. Ogunwole | Ogunsua_.. | Modakcke x | LS | July 14th, 1886, 21. Sowo-,, | For Balógun | Mọ́dàkẹ́kẹ́ | x | LS | July 14th, 1886. 22, Ayanleye For Ọ̀tún Mọ́dàkẹ́kẹ́ x | LS July 14th, 1886. 23. Aboki Awùjalẹ̀ Ìjẹ̀bú x | LS | June oth, 1886. 24. Nofowokan | Balógun Kjebu x | LS | June roth, 1886

¶170 Signed, sealed, and delivered in the presence of the undersigned after the terms and condition therein contained had been interpreted and explained by us, or one of us to the respective signatories.

¶171 (Signed) SAMUEL JOHNSON, Clérk in Holy Orders, Messenger and Interpreter for the Governor.

¶172 (Signed) CHARLES PHILLIPS, Clerk in Holy Orders, Messenger and Interpreter for the Governor.

¶173 Affix to Treaty, dated 4th day of June, 1886.

¶174 The undersigned envoys and messengers duly accredited to His Excellency the Governor of Lagos to convey to the Governor the terms and conditions which they.and the Kings, Báles, Balóguns and Chiefs who have despatched them duly accredited as aforesaid are willing to observe, abide by, and carry into effect in order to secure peace to their respective peoples and countries, having heard the foregoing treaty and the terms and conditions thereof read over and the same having been interpreted, and fully explained to them, solemnly agree themselves to abide thereby and faithfully and loyally to observe the same on testimony whereof they have hereunto set their hands and seals this 4th day of June, 1886.

¶175 Their marks.

¶176 Obakosetan %X accredited by the ALÁÀFIN of Ọ̀yọ́. Belewu x » —_- » »

¶177 Arinde x » » », Balógun of Ìbàdàn Atere x » » » Máyè of Ìbàdàn Elegbede x 3 » », Ọ̀tún Bále of Ìbàdàn. Apelidiagba x i » »» Ọwá of Ilẹ̀ṣà. Olukoni x » » » Ọwá of Desa.

¶178 Fatuye x PP » x» Owore of Ọ̀tún Orisalusi x b, » » Ajero of Ijero.

¶179 Obasa 4 Ps; » » Olojudo of Ido.

¶180 Their Marks.

¶181 Dawudu x accredited by the Ògèdèngbé, Sẹ́rìkí of Ilẹ̀ṣà. Apelidiagba xX » » » the Owoni of Ifẹ̀. Olukoni x "nee" »

¶182 Arinde x ys » 9», Ogunsua of Mọ́dàkẹ́kẹ́. Awonimesin xX - » » Awùjalẹ̀ of Ìjẹ̀bú Ode. Ogundeko x e ss 3 a= & Odusajo : x 5 » » Balógun of Ìjẹ̀bú Ode.

¶183 Signed, sealed, and delivered in the presence of

¶184 ALFRED MOLONEY, the Governor. SMALMAN SMITH, Judge. H. Hiceins, Asst. Col. Secy. and Private Secretary.

¶185 CHAS. PHILLIPS, Governor's messengers to the Interior S. JOHNSON, and Interpreters on this occasion.

§ 5. THE RECEPTION OF THE TREATY BY THE INTERIOR KINGS AND CHIEFS

¶187 His Excellency, A. C. Moloney, the Governor took the envoys and messengers with him in the colonial steamer on his visit to the eastern waters of Lagos on the 7th of June, 1886. Instructions were also given to his special messengers to have the Treaty read and interpreted to the different kings and chiefs concerned, and to obtain their signatures to it, and then to forward it down to Lagos ; and then, not till then, would he see his way clear to go personally or to send to complete the arbitration.

¶188 The Ọ̀yọ́ messengers with the Governor’s special messenger were landed at Ejirin, and the Èkìtì messengers with the Governor’s special messenger to the Èkìtìs were landed at Atijere.

¶189 The Treaty in the Ọ̀yọ́ Division.—On the oth of June the Awùjalẹ̀ signed the Treaty in the presence of his chiefs. Nofowokan, the Balógun, also signed it the next day at Ort in the presence of all the war chiefs, not being concerned they had nothing to say against it. The messenger passed on to Ìbàdàn, and Tahajo, the head chief at home, who was represented at Lagos by his messenger Elegbede, also heard the Treaty read and interpreted; after some consideration he subscribed to it in the presence of the Home authorities. The Governor’s messenger with the rest of the messengers passed on to Ọ̀yọ́. .

¶190 At Ọ̀yọ́ the ALÁÀFIN expressed his surprise at the way matters were hurrying on to a crisis in the following parable :-—

¶191 "The Governor is like an Egigun enchanter who is about to perform a transformation trick. The mortar is ready, the drummers already at their posts drumming with all their might and the eyes of the whole world are now fixed upon the enchanter to see what he would become before they shout hurrah, hurrah! If success attends his efforts the Governor will then know that there are humble Africans here who know how to appreciate kindness." He also signed the Treaty on the 25th of June, 1886. As soon as the Governor’s messenger got him to sign the Treaty, he lost no time, but with the rest of the messengers left the next day for the Ìbàdàn camp which they reached on the 30th of June.

¶192 The interview with the Ìbàdàn chiefs was on the 1st of July when the Treaty was read to them and fully interpreted. Of course they are the ones who were most concerned in this division. They brooded a bit over clause 5 of the Treaty ; but the leading chiefs whose names were affixed to the Treaty signed it without raising any objection. They said that they had no alternative since the Awùjalẹ̀ and the Balógun of Ìjẹ̀bú had signed it, as well as the Aláàfin : and on the whole they considered the Treaty just and fair.

¶193 The Treaty in the Èkìtì Division.—The Èkìtì kings and chiefs did not sign the Treaty so readily, having a strong objection to paragraph 4 of the Treaty which left Otan, Iresi, Ada, and Igbájọ in the hands of the Ìbàdàns.

¶194 The report of the Rev. C. Phillips the Governor’s messenger relative to it, will show the difficulty he met with in getting them to sign the Treaty.

¶195 Extract from the Report of the Rev. C. Phillips.

¶196 "T reached Esa where the Ọwá was stationed on the 28th June. After the Ọwá had called his chiefs together I read the Treaty to them and gave them an oral account of our interviews with the Governor of Lagos. The Ọwá hesitated a little to set his hands to his seal on account of some objections he made with respect to the fourth article. But after I had made some remarks, showing him the impartiality of the Governor’s decision, he set his hands to the seal. From Esa I proceeded on the 29th with all the messengers to the camp. At Oke Mesin I met a messenger telling me that it is the Sẹ́rìkí’s wish that I should not stop to see the kings, but that I should come straight on to him in the camp. I did so. The Sẹ́rìkí seemed to have the chief authority in these matters, but I cannot say whether it is an authority delegated to him by the gratitude of the kings, who regarded him as their deliverer, or whether it is arrogated on the principle of "might over right." However, as this may be, the fact stands that the Sẹ́rìkí is invested with much authority, and all state business must be done with him. Therefore I gave him a full account of our interviews with the Governor of Lagos and read to him the Treaty in the presence of his comrades. He said he would not sign the Treaty on account of the fourth article which transfers (? retains) Igbájọ, Iresi, Ada, and Otan to the Ìbàdàns wholesale. I was sorry to find that the Sẹ́rìkí was instigated to this obstinacy by the Ìjẹ̀ṣà emigrants from Lagos and Abẹ́òkúta who seemed to have gained much influence over him. There is asection of them in the camp under the leadership of one James Thompson Gureje who came from Abẹ́òkúta, and I also found that a special messenger from the "Lagos Ekitiparapo Society’ had preceded me to the camp. He is a Brazillian Creole, a carpenter by trade, his name is Abek. The opposition which I had from these emigrants was greater than that of the Sẹ́rìkí himself. They were very clamorous. Not only did they set up the Sẹ́rìkí but they also tried to influence the Èkìtì kings not to sign the Treaty. Their objections to the fourth article were principally two. First, that the cession of those towns to Ìbàdàn was an infringement upon Ìjẹ̀ṣà territory ; secondly, that the position of those places was too contiguous for the Ìjẹ̀ṣà and Èkìtì people to be safe in future from Ìbàdàn invasions or surprises. In vain did I advise the Sẹ́rìkí to confer with the Balógun of Ìbàdàn on the subject. In vain did I represent the impartiality of the Governor’s decisions. In vain did I remind them of his former promise of unconditional submission to the Governor’s arbitration. Still the Sẹ́rìkí continued refractory until Thursday afternoon, July 1st.

¶197 "On that morning Mr. Johnson wrote to me to announce his arrival at the Ìbàdàn camp, and I went out immediately to have a interview with him on the battlefield. At this interview he informed me that the Ìbàdàn chiefs had signed the Treaty though the fifth article was galling to them, and that they would not yield any further upon the Igbájọ question. However, I asked him to tell the Balógun of the difficulty I met with. When I returned to the Èkìtì camp, I told the Sẹ́rìkí that the Ìbàdàns had signed the Treaty, and he would be responsible for the continuation of the war if he persisted in his refusal. I should state that nobody stood by me except Mr. G. A. Vincent! the C.M.S. agent at Ilẹ̀ṣà. The Èkìtì war chiefs were entirely

¶198 silent. Apelidiagba and his comrades with Mr. G. W. Johnson the Lagos book-binder, hid themselves.

¶199 "When I found that remonstrances were of no avail I retired to my lodgings, and was on the point of leaving the camp to appeal to the Kings Owore, Ajero, and Olojudo, when the Sẹ́rìkí sent for me and signed the treaty.

¶200 "Whether he shrank from the responsibility of the continuation of the war or whether his former violence and stubbornness was only a ruse to disconcert the Ìjẹ̀ṣà emigrants whom he was unwilling to displease (because he had been much indebted to them for the supplies of breech-loading guns and cartridges) I could not tell. But since he signed the Treaty I was astonished to find that his language was changed and he openly avowed his indifference about the Igbájọ question, even in Mr. Johnson and the Ìbàdàn messengers’ presence. This could not be a mere capriciousness, it seemed to me a deeply contrived artifice. He told me afterwards that if he had signed the Treaty at once his countrymen would afterwards reproach him and his children with having handed a portion of their land to the Yorubas. .. .

¶201 "Lugbosun, the head Èkìtì war chief, in the Mesin camp, told Mr. Johnson and me afterwards that the Ìjẹ̀ṣà emigrants who made much gain by importing the breech-loading guns and cartridges desired the prolongation of the war, but he and his colleagues who had nearly spent all their possessions did not approve of the opposition to the Treaty. They were anxious to decamp, and were impatiently expecting the Governor.

¶202 "The Ajero asked Mr. G. A. Vincent to tell me in confidence that they (the Èkìtìs) do not make much of the Igbájọ question.

¶203 "When I returned to Esa the Ọwá thanked me very much for the patience with which I endured the opposition I met with, and begged me not to make much of it, for it was only unruly people who resort to the camp. He gave me some historical account of the defection of Igbájọ, in which he acknowledged that it was due to the ill-treatment that the Igbájọ people suffered from some Ìjẹ̀ṣà head chiefs (who then tried to keep the Ọwá in the dark as to the real state of matters) that they were obliged to surrender themselves to the Ìbàdàns. He begged me to urge the Governor to come or send at once to put an end to the war."

¶204 The Ìbàdàn chiefs commenting upon the objection of the Èkìtìs to paragraph 4 of the Treaty remarked that "their request for the removal of Igbájọ was unreasonable, not to say dictatorial and presumptuous. For if, according to the terms of the Treaty, we are to live in peace and amity, why should Igbajg be left a desolate wilderness and a rendezvous for highway robbers and men-stealers? And again, Igbájọ is not nearer their town of Oke Mesin than their towns of Ibokun, Ilase, Oke Bode are to our towns of Ìkirun and Òṣogbo. Should we then ask that these places be removed from our vicinity? This seems to us to be promoting unnecessary complications and difficulties."

¶205 After the signing of the Treaty at both camps at Kíríjí the messengers left by their respective routes to meet again at Mọ́dàkẹ́kẹ́.

¶206 At Mọ́dàkẹ́kẹ́ the state of affairs was different from that at Kíríjí. The latter place is a battlefield, and no personal animosity existed between the Balógun of the Ìbàdàns and the Sẹ́rìkí of the Ìjẹ̀ṣàs, only that they were unwilling to sacrifice public good for their own private interests, hence the efforts made to obtain as much as they could. Not so, however, at Mọ́dàkẹ́kẹ́. But for Fabumi the Èkìtì General who was the mollifier, hostilities would have been resumed. No sooner had the Governor’s messengers left them on the former occasion when the truce was arranged, than the road between Mọ́dàkẹ́kẹ́ and the Ifẹ̀ camp was thrown open, and not only the messengers of both parties met, but also parents, children and friends and relatives long separated rushed into each other’s arms, the Ifẹ̀s flocked to Mọ́dàkẹ́kẹ́, some spending three to five days there, and the Ifẹ̀ women and children who were captured at the fall of Ile Ifẹ̀ were allowed to go and see their kindred at the Ifẹ̀ camp. Some of them never returned again and the Ifẹ̀s refused to give them up, thus abusing the privileges granted them Therefore the Mọ́dàkẹ́kẹ́s resolved never to allow any of the rest to go over to the Ifẹ̀ camp any more till peace was actually restored, but they allowed the Ifẹ̀ women to come into the town to buy pots and: utensils or whatever necessaries they were in need of.

¶207 As to the signing of the Treaty, the Ifẹ̀s were of course very glad to do so, because their wishes had been gratified in the matter of Mọ́dàkẹ́kẹ́ ; they would now get rid of them altogether. The Mọ́dàkẹ́kẹ́ chiefs on their part, pained though they were by the terms of Clause 5 which stipulates for their leaving a spot sacred to them as containing the graves of their ancestors, yet signed without demur, hoping to ask the Governor when the time comes, for an amendment providing for the separation of the two towns by a wall as there is none existing hitherto.

¶208 The Awùjalẹ̀ of Ìjẹ̀bú in complying with the articles of the Treaty, sent his Agurins (state messengers) to accompany the Governor’s messenger to tell Ogunsigun the Sẹ́rìkí of Ìjẹ̀bú Igbo at the Isoya camp to return home in peace with the forces under him. Scarcely did the messengers expect any opposition from that quarter. When Chief Ògèdèngbé, during the negotiations at Kíríjí, asked the Ìjẹ̀bú messengers whether the Epe refugees and the Isoya band were reconciled to their new Awùjalẹ̀, he was told that the latter had sent a friendly message to the Epe refugees, inviting them to return home, with nothing to fear from him ; and to Ogunsigun and the forces under him at Isoya he was favourably disposed, and was sending a friendly message to them.

¶209 The Rev. C. Phillips and his party who went by a shorter route, had seen the Ìjẹ̀bú Sẹ́rìkí before the arrival of his colleagues on the other side, and was good enough to prepare their minds against the reception they might likely meet with: it was as much as he could do to prevail upon Ogunsigun to receive the messengers at all, and he finally agreed to see them not in his camp but in the battlefield. The interview was a hot one. But for Fabumi there would at least have been a damper cast on the whole affair, if not a collapse of the embassy. He and the Governor’s messengers had great difficulty in restraining the Sẹ́rìkí and his war chiefs from doing violence to the person of the Chief Agurin sent by the Awùjalẹ̀: they vented their feelings in bitter invectives and curses on their countrymen the Ìjẹ̀bú messengers.

¶210 The Sẹ́rìkí said that the Ìjẹ̀bús having been bribed to take up arms causelessly against the Ìbàdàns who had done them no wrong, the late Awùjalẹ̀ was prevailed upon to declare war against them, and so was himself forced to engage in it. For full seven months he hid himself in his farm to avoid it, and five times was his house confiscated till he was obliged to come forward to this war. Their king having been led to this, why was he driven away to die at Epe? (Turning to the Agurin, he said) "And you, Awonimesin, have you the audacity to come on an errand to me? Were you not sent with us to this war? Were you not encamped with us at the river Osun? Who made you an Agurin? Was it not the late king whom you helped to dethrone? deserting us here and going home for that foul purpose, you put your own master to death and raised up another! You are the wrong man for this peace embassy, and this will be your last."

¶211 At last, turning to the messengers the Ìjẹ̀bú Sẹ́rìkí said, "I agree to all the terms of the Treaty, but I cannot acknowledge the present Awùjalẹ̀ as king, because he was installed not by the general consent of all the Ìjẹ̀bús: and besides, the funeral obsequies of the late king have not yet been performed."