Chapter 31. Disturbance In Every Part Of The Country

§ 1. ÌLỌRIN INTRIGUES AND THE FALL OF Ọ̀FÀ

¶2 We have seen above how anxious Ògèdèngbé was about the war going on at Ọ̀fà, how he wished the Commissioners to include this in their efforts, being as it were a part of the same war. He tried to induce them to send a messenger with his own, and one from the Balógun of Ìbàdàn to prevail upon Karara the Ìlọrin Generalissimo to accept terms of peace; but the Commissioners declined to do so. They however approved of their sending their own messengers if they so wished. Sẹ́rìkí Ògèdèngbé and the Balógun of Ìbàdàn agreed to ask Lasebikan the head of the Ìlọrin contingent with the Èkìtìs to send also with them, but he backed out of this obligation. It appeared that Sẹ́rìkí Ògèdèngbé had some communications with Karara, urging him to the acceptance of peace, and had not succeeded. He was also very anxious about the Ìjẹ̀ṣà contingent in the Ìlọrin camp. He sent to tell Karara that matters had been settled at Kíríjí, and that if he would let the Èkìtìs with him leave his camp, he would let the Ìlọrins with him leave Oke Mesin. The following was the reply returned by the wily Karara: "Let my men perish with you, and let your men perish with me." Showing that the astute Gambari knew what he was about when he made the arrangement. The fact was that the Ìlọrins had no grievance which could be settled like that of the Èkìtìs, they were simply on conquest bent.

¶3 Karara had good reasons to be so haughty and implacable. He was on bad terms with his king at home, and embarked on this war against his strong behest, and to return to Ìlọrin otherwise than as a victor might cost him his life. Hence all negotiations with him proved abortive ; he was determined to take Ọ̀fà either by force of arms or by stratagem.

¶4 Shortly after the firing of the camp at Kíríjí, the Sẹ́rìkí Ògèdèngbé sent to assure the Balógun of Ìbàdàn that they wished peace to be made at Ọ̀fà also, so that they might withdraw their contingent from the Ìlọrin camp, and that the Ìbàdàns should do nothing to prevent this being done. The Balógun sent back to say he also wished for peace there so that he might recall his men, Ọ̀fà would be restored to the Ìlọrins provided they might promise not to sack the city. They (the Ìbàdàns) would await the result of the efforts of the Ìjẹ̀ṣà and Èkìtì kings’ mediation with the Ìlọrins, and should Karara refuse to let the men quit his camp, the Ìbàdàns would be quite ready to let them pass safely through their ranks to Ọ̀fà, and thence safely to their homes without a calabash or a pot being broken. Having sworn friendship to him he would never go back on his word. As the result of the messages sent to him by Sẹ́rìkí Ògèdèngbé Karara sent to the Ìbàdàn war chiefs to say that the Ìbàdàns should withdraw their contingent from Ọ̀fà, and must not fear any molestation from the Ìlọrins.

¶5 The messengers arrived at Ìkirun on the 9th of November, 1886. The Ìbàdàns considered it puerile to demand that the defensive should withdraw from a beleaguered city before the offensive, and therefore replied as follows: "Before we remove a single man Karara should decamp first, and if he refuse to’ do so, let him await us. And why should he ask us to withdraw our forces when he is still encamped against Ọ̀fà? When Ali his father encamped against Ọ̀tún, and we sent Àjàyí Jegede to defend that city some years ago and peace was made between us, was it not Ali his father that decamped first? So it should be in this case also."

¶6 The messengers however were well treated; the Balógun entertained them with two large calabashes full of Iyan (pounded yam), a potful of meat, and also gave them ten heads of cowries and a goat.

¶7 When this strong message was delivered to Karara he opened a secret communication with one Lagbeja, one of the powerful chiefs who re-inforced Ọ̀fà. Lagbeja was carrying on this communication without informing his brother chiefs in the camp, and when this was found out they all set against him, and the quarrel was so hot that Lagbeja had to escape from the camp over the walls and took refuge in the town of Ọ̀fà.

¶8 The news of this disunion among the re-inforcement alarmed the Balógun and the other war chiefs at Ìkirun ; they immediately despatched one Oyesunle to reconcile them, and Lagbeja returned to his post.

¶9 On the very night of his return, two messengers from the Ìlọrin camp came to ask for an interview with him. He declined the interview for obvious reasons, but the other chiefs hearing this, advised him to grant the interview, and let them hear what the envoys had to say. He was invited to the Ìlọrin camp for peace negotiation.

¶10 Oyesunle the Balógun’s messenger was deputed to conduct the negotiation. He was the chief envoy, and each of the principal war chiefs sent a man with him. Thus he visited the Ìlọrin camp, and proceeded to Ìlọrin city for an interview with the Emir.

¶11 The Emir of Ìlọrin received the messengers graciously, and before granting an interview he treated them with cold water, bananas, honey, and sugar; saying "As sweet and refreshing as these are, so I wish the country to be."

¶12 The following was the message sent by the Emir to the Ìbàdàn chiefs: "Ọ̀fà has always been mine, the royal gift of my father to me, and hence I do not wish it to be destroyed. My request is that the Ìbàdàns should treat me as a King, and to let my words come to pass. They should recall their army first, and I shall recall mine." He presented the messengers with 13 gowns (one to each man), fed them sumptuously, and gave them some cowries.

¶13 The Ìlọrin Emir also sent his own messengers to the Balógun, about 17 of them, all on horseback: and he also treated them with similar generosity ; they were sent back with a similar message as the one they brought, asking the Emir to withdraw his attacking force, and they would withdraw the defending one.

¶14 The Ìbàdàns were quite alive to the Ìlọrin intrigues.

¶15 Karara in the meantime never ceased to breathe out vengeance against Ọ̀fà, and to speak disparagingly of the Balógun of Ìbàdàn : he was often heard to say, "And who else is called Balógun besides myself?" However, there was an armistice till the month of June, 1887, when the ALÁÀFIN as a part of his engagement in the Treaty, and at the request of his subjects, took the negotiation in hand. His Majesty sent Obajuwon, one of his chief Ìlàrís, who went to the Ìlọrin camp in a style befitting his rank. A tumult arose in the Ìlọrin camp when he entered there with his drum. He was set upon by the Gambari faction, and his drum was ripped with a knife! The Yoruba element in the camp immediately rushed around him to prevent violence being done to his person, and effected his safe return to Ọ̀fà. Obajuwon arrived home on the 30th June, 1887. Thus failed the negotiation of peace at Ọ̀fà, and hostilities were recommenced afresh.

¶16 All prospects of peace appeared very dark and cloudy once more, the war being vigorously prosecuted at Ọ̀fà, and it was under consideration at Ìkirun whether the army at Ọ̀fà should be re-inforced or not. The Ìbàdàn senior chiefs were reluctant to do so, lest the conflict between themselves and Ògèdèngbé be renewed, and the scene of war be but changed from Kíríjí to Ọ̀fà and Ìkirun, for Ògèdèngbé had not disbanded his forces.

¶17 The war chiefs had once a stormy meeting at Ìkirun on this subject, when Chief Enimowu (son-in-law to the famous Baṣọ̀run Ògúnmọ́lá) in the heat of passion volunteered to go to the relief of Ọ̀fà if the leaders would not move. Without obtaining any sanction he left the meeting in a rage to prepare for Ọ̀fà. Kongi his nephew and heir to the house of Ògúnmọ́lá being then but a youth volunteered to go with him, as all the members of the house must go. Enimowu encamped at Erin, a small town a few miles from Ọ̀fà where he was of great help in provisioning the beleaguered city.

¶18 Unfortunately this new re-inforcement suffered a disaster so great as to be compared to none but that in which his brother-in-law the late Ilori the Òsì was taken alive at the Jalumi war.

¶19 The Ìlọrin horsemen were in the habit of kidnapping the caravans between Ọ̀fà and Erin bringing in provisions. On this occasion Enimowu attacked the kidnappers, and in a short time put them to flight, and pursued them rather too far. One notable Ìlọrin horseman, Nasamu by name, but surnamed "Gata-ikoko "(i.e., a devouring wolf, from his great fondness for meat) in the chase easily out-distanced his pursuers, and with a few choice horsemen he made a wide detour and re-appeared at the rear of their pursuers! The alarm was soon given at the rear. The pursued had now become the pursuers. Great was the havoc wrought by the Ìlọrins with their spears on the panic-stricken pursuers now taken in the rear. Enimowu, the leader of the expedition, was found sitting on a keg of powder fanning himself after the chase, his horse led to be watered, and he congratulating himself that he had given a good account of the enemy, when suddenly the enemy burst upon him from the rear, and there he was taken alive with other illustrious war chiefs, viz., Salako, the heir and successor of the late Aijenku, Winkunle, late Tubosun’s son, Malade, son of the late Sẹ́rìkí Odunjo, and others of lesser note. Salako refused to to go with them as a prisoner of war, and was killed on the spot ; the rest were taken to Ìlọrin and were there treated as respectable prisoners of war.

¶20 Young Kongi was so terrified at the news of this disaster that he waited no longer at Erin but fled precipitately back to Ìkirun. For this abject cowardice he was cold-shouldered by everyone of the chiefs and forbidden to attend their councils. He was fined heavily for this before he was allowed to re-occupy his former position, but all the same he subsequently lost the title that would have been his on their return home.

¶21 No sympathy was expressed for Enimowu because of the arrogant manner he volunteered for the war, as if all the rest were cowards.

¶22 Whilst all this was going on, reports from time to time reached the Ìbàdàns of the disaffection existing at Ọ̀fà itself, a portion of the people were in league with the Ìlọrins, and their messengers had several times been caught. These belonged to the party who would not have Adegboye the present Olofa as their king, for the only reason that he was the son of the last king. They held that the son should not succeed the father at once, an uncle or elderly cousin should come between. Adegboye did not insist on his right, but was determined to retire from the scene with all his belongings. The case was reported to the Ìbàdàn chiefs and the Are—then living—said to the opposing party, "With an enemy at your gates can you afford to ignore this young prince? Whose are the guns, the kegs of powder, and other ammunition you are using to fight the foe? If he should retire with arms and ammunition belonging to him what will be your prospects? "Then they reluctantly yielded to Adegboye succeeding his father. They were now unremitting in their intrigues against him.

¶23 The Ìbàdàn chiefs being apprehensive of a great act of treachery which might overwhelm their men were, for this reason, no longer disposed to sacrifice the lives of any more of their men after the loss of Enimowu. They were determined therefore to withdraw their army from Ọ̀fà.

¶24 Apparently going to re-inforce Ọ̀fà in strength and avenge Enimowu, the whole of the war chiefs except the Balógun marched out for Ọ̀fà with orders secretly to withdraw the Ìbàdàn contingent, the Olofa, and those in sympathy with the Ìbàdàns. They halted near Erin and sent for those to be rescued at dead of night.

¶25 The Olofa on leaving home, in order to ward off suspicion, and prevent a panic, ordered his horse to be saddled and left in charge of a page outside in front of the palace, some of his wives also were left sitting there and there was a bright light burning, while he escaped by a back door with the rest of his wives, children, and favourite servants. Till he was clean gone none but his bodyguard knew of it. He joined the Ìbàdàn relief party and all arrived safely at Ìkirun.

¶26 The Olofa was the head of all the provincial kings of the Ibolo district between Ìlọrin and Ìwó. He was assigned a portion of land between Òṣogbo and Èdè, where he founded a new town called Ọ̀fà-tedo, and there he resided till the end of the war.

¶27 Next morning when it was known all over the city that the Ìbàdàns had gone and the Olofa with them, those hitherto in favour of the Ìlọrins put leaves on their heads, and went dancing to the Ìlọrin camp and singing :

¶28 "Awa ko se ti Ìbàdàn mo o, T’onirugbon l’a o se." ("No more are we for the Ìbàdàns, With the long-bearded our lot we’ve cast.")

¶29 Thus they came and prostrated before Karara. It was said that he asked them, "Have the Ìbàdàns gone? "—"Yes, they have gone." He then added, "Very well, you can go home, I will pay you a visit shortly."

¶30 After breakfast Karara rode up to Ọ̀fà with his army, and took his seat at the palace gates. His first act was to despatch a body of horsemen to occupy each of the gates of the city so as to allow no exit from any. He next summoned him all the remaining OOfa chiefs and the influential] men of the city to be brought before him; they came with leaves on their heads as a token of submission. He then said to them, "You now say you are all on my side, if that be so, why is it you held out so long against me, and did not open your gates secretly for my troops to enter? You know now that the Ìbàdàns have gone then you say you declare yourselves for me." And when they lay prostrate before him he coolly gave the order, "E maha dumbu! won "("Slaughter them away.) Thereupon followed the process; a man appeared with a butcher’s knife in hand, and another with a basin of water. Seizing these prostrate forms one by one, they were forcibly held down, with head and neck raised and the throat coolly cut, and the blood thoroughly drained and the corpse thrown down. This done, the knife was washed in the basin of water—after the manner of slaughtering animals, and then they proceeded to the second, and third, and so on till they had slaughtered the whole of them! Then he ordered the shade trees of the market place to be cut down as a sign of victory, and the city to be sacked, the inhabitants (such as were left) to be made prisoners. Thus Ọ̀fà was taken.

¶31 The Consequences of the Fall of Ọ̀fà.—When all the towns in the vicinity heard that the Ìbàdàns were gone, and a part of Ọ̀fà with them, knowing what the consequences would be, they all were deserted, and the people went with the Ìbàdàns to Ìkirun, viz., Erin, Ijabe, Okuku, Igbayi, Oydn, Iba, Ekusa, Okuwa, Agboyé, Ori, and Asi.

¶32 Inisa alone was not deserted, not being far from Ìkirun but within a short time the Ìlọrin horse was at its gates.

¶33 The Ìlọrins, who promised so faithfully that if the Ìbàdàn contingent were withdrawn from Ọ̀fà they would decamp, now sent word to the Ìbàdàns to say, "Oru yin nmu wa ni Ìkirun" ("We are feeling the inconvenience of your body-heat at Ìkirun"). Meaning that they should withdraw from Ìkirun also. Inisa had to be strongly re-inforced, and for a long time a desultory warfare between the Ìbàdàns and Ìlọrins was carried on there. The

¶34 Ìlọrins could not leave their camp at Yanayo to encamp against Inisa or Ìkirun as before, and the Ìbàdàns did not consider it safe to go against them at Yanayo, where they would be exposed on all sides to the cavalry attack. The strength of the Ìlọrins lay in their horses, and they could come from a day’s journey to attack Inisa or Ìkirun, usually by breaking their journey halfway overnight and give battle next morning. If defeated, they were able to retreat in good order: taught by former experience, the Ìbàdàns did not venture to pursue horsemen far from their base. This continued for a good while.

¶35 In course of time the Ìlọrin horse kept hovering constantly between Ìkirun and Inisa as if to cut off communication between the two places, about six or eight miles apart; the war chiefs therefore considered it more prudent to concentrate their forces at Ìkirun in order to prevent a surprise, and therefore they withdrew Babalola who was stationed there. Ìkirun once more became the scene of conflict, the Ilgrins with their horses paying surprise visits now and then. The Ìbàdàn scouts and outposts being ever on the alert to report their approach the so-called battles now dwindled into occasional skirmishes for half a day, and these few and far between. Taught by Jalumi, the Ìlọrins would not encamp against Ìkirun, and from the experience of Enimowu the Ìbàdàns would not go after them in the plain at Yanayo.

§ 2. REVOLUTIONARY MOVEMENTS AT ÌJẸ̀BÚ

¶37 The Ìjẹ̀bús at this time were alarmed at the quiet changes going on in the country. Traders and others from the interior were finding their way down to the coast through their country and vice versa. The traditional saying, "Ìjẹ̀bú Ode, Ajeji ko wo" (Ìjẹ̀bú Ode, no alien to enter) was in danger of being abolished, and they were determined to put a stop to it. The blame for this was laid upon the Awùjalẹ̀ and on Nofowokan the Balógun for entering into friendship with the white men and befriending Ọ̀yọ́s (that is for the part they had taken hitherto towards the restoration of peace in the interior). They begrudged the Balógun his influence with the Ọ̀yọ́s, and therefore recalled him home from Oru and a civil title was given him. They forced the king to pass a law forbidding Ọ̀yọ́s to reach Ìjẹ̀bú Ode, much less to pass through it to Lagos; all intercourse for merchandise was to be carried on at Oru.

¶38 The younger Ìjẹ̀bús were instigated to take the enforcement of the law in hand, and some of them went further and even clamoured for the death of the king.

¶39 Their King exonerated himself from their charges by arguing with them thus: "Since we have had a closer intercourse with the Ọ̀yọ́s during the late negotiations for peace—a peace clamoured for and desired by yourselves—you Ìjẹ̀bús have had many of their daughters to be your wives, and they have had children for you. Is it not natural for the parents of these women to visit their daughters and grandchildren? How can you sever the ties of relationship by preventing brothers from visiting their sisters, and parents their children? If you will be just and fair, send these women back home with the children born to you, then there will be no occasion for any outsiders to enter your country." The law was made so stringent that Prince Adekoya, the Awùjalẹ̀’s eldest son went to the Remo district which had hitherto been free to caravans both ways and took up his station at Ode seizing all Lagos traders passing up or going down. The writer, together with the Rev. D. Olubi of Ìbàdàn, on their way to Lagos met him there on Easter Tuesday, 1887, but just escaped him on their return, having visited other villages for the same purpose.

¶40 Previously to their passing down, a son of the reverend gentleman on his way from Lagos to Ìbàdàn had no end of trouble with him ; he had in his custody a goodly number of traders from the interior and from the coast whose goods had been seized and forwarded to Ìjẹ̀bú Ode and themselves loaded with chains! This young man was needlessly detained by the prince, and when he grew desperate he got into a rage and frightened the prince by firing a walking-stick gun into the air, just to show what he could do. This novel sight disposed the prince to let him pass on homewards.

¶41 His father when passing down took the opportunity to speak to Prince Adekoya, explaining to him the difference between missionaries and traders, and thus paved a way for the mission’s mail-man between Lagos and Ìbàdàn by that route.

¶42 Soon after their return home from Lagos, news reached the writer at Ọ̀yọ́ by one of Balógun Nofowokan’s sons that the writer had been declared by the Awùjalẹ̀ an outlaw in any of the Ìjẹ̀bú provinces, whether of Ode, Igbo, or Remo. He could be killed by anyone if found in any of these provinces. The crimes alleged against him were these :—

¶43 1. That he was no longer on the side of peace, but for the continuation of the war.

¶44 2. That he was building a house for the ALÁÀFIN, whom he knew to be not favourable to peace.

¶45 3. That he was supplying the ALÁÀFIN with arms of precision and ammunition for the Ìlọrins in order to enable them to wage a successful war against the Ìbàdàns.

¶46 The apparent foundation of these baseless charges was the appointment of the writer by the C.M.S. to take charge of their mission at Ọ̀yọ́ and of his building a church and a vicarage there.

¶47 The Awùjalẹ̀ gave a ready credence to this report because of the malicious feeling existing in him already against the writer because the Commissioners of 1886 were not prevailed upon by him to kill Ogunsigun the Sẹ́rìkí of Ìjẹ̀bú Igbo, and to disperse his troops at Isoya according to his order.

¶48 The writer seized the first opportunity that presented itself of the Rev. W. B. George, Wesleyan minister going down to Lages via Ìjẹ̀bú to request him’ to deny these reports both to the Balógun and to the Awùjalẹ̀ as utterly false and unfounded.

¶49 Early in March, 1888, having another occasion to visit Lagos instead of avoiding the Awùjalẹ̀ by finding another route, he thought it best to face the difficulty at once and clear himself of these false charges. Accordingly on his arrival at Oru, by the advice of Tunubi, son of the Balógun and grandson of the Awùjalẹ̀ by his eldest daughter, the writer sent to apprise the Balógun of his arrival at Oru, and of his intention to proceed forward. The Balógun sent to say he could come on to Ìjẹ̀bú Ode, but not until: dusk,

¶50 Meanwhile the Balógun was pleading his cause with the Awùjalẹ̀, after sending to him about six times to no good effect he had to go in person and urge the claims of the writer, reminding him of all he had undergone as the Governor’s messenger on behalf of peace since 1886, and begged the King to see him and hear from his own mouth a true explanation of the charges alleged against him. After two days the Awùjalẹ̀ relented and agreed to see him. The interview however was not in the day but about 8 p.m. "Ajose "(i.e., Johnson) said the Awùjalẹ̀, "Is that you? I heard that you are no more for peace but have joined the ALÁÀFIN in his intrigues." "No, sir," was the reply. "My going to Ọ̀yọ́ to reside was not of my own choice, but as an obedient servant I went where I was sent. I am like a rod in the hands of my masters, and wherever I am flung there I must be. Who am I to have a voice of my own in these great political matters? My calling is of a different kind and not political." The King replied, "Don’t you say so; your words have gained the ears of kings and mighty warriors lately, so you cannot think so meanly of yourself. I was so angry with you that I never intended to see your face any more, but thanks to the Balógun who vigorously pleaded your cause." The writer was allowed to proceed to Lagos, but he had to be accompanied by two escorts from the Balógun.

¶51 That the King was not quite satisfied with the above explanation was evident by his remonstrance with the writer on his returning from Lagos on the 26th of May following. "Ajose," said he, "the whole Ìjẹ̀bú nation love and respect you, but you will lose that love and respect if you do not reconsider your appointment to Ọ̀yọ́."

¶52 Prince Adekoya continued his blockade of the Remo district for a long time, and many valuable lives perished and much property was confiscated in that district ; both persons and effects were transferred to Ìjẹ̀bú Ode and nothing more heard of them, most of the persons being killed or sold far away. A Brazilian freedman who had acquired some substance in his land-of exile was returning to his native town of Ìwó. He happened to meet with Adekoya here, and was seized by him with all his goods and personal belongings, and sent to Ìjẹ̀bú Ode. The goods were said to be worth over £800, including cash: among them was a large red silk damask umbrella with tassels all round intended for his King, the Oluiwo. The Ìjẹ̀bú King in council in consideration of his heavy losses, granted the man his freedom. ° They told him he could go. But the unfortunate man, overcome with grief and despair groaned and said, "What is life worth to me now? I have committed no crime, I have been utterly ruined. No prospect before me now but utter destitution and beggary! Death is preferable." "All right," said the Awùjalẹ̀, "we will oblige you in this." He then gave the order "E lo ipo o" (Go and kill hin). In a few minutes his head was off his shoulders!

¶53 Not content with watching his own country the Awùjalẹ̀ also sent an Agirin to the Ìbàdàns with strict orders to arrest anyone in European dress, white or black, and if he is such as cannot be dealt with they should at any rate send him back to Lagos. An attempt was made thus to turn the writer back to Lagos from the very gate of Ìbàdàn, but he left his luggage with them at the town gate and galloped into the town to Awonimesin, the Chief Agirin, his former colleague in his travelling up and down on the peace negotiations in 1886: he on seeing him‘sent orders that he should be allowed to enter the town in peace. The Rev. T. Harding, the European Superintendent of the C.M.S. Missions, had to pass through Ìjẹ̀bú to the interior, and was compelled to pay the sum of £4 before he was allowed to pass in 1889, and that was only because he at that time had his home in the interior.

¶54 Thus the Ìjẹ̀bús were trying to prevent the opening up of the country.

¶55 It should be made clear, however, that the motives actuating the Ìjẹ̀bús to these proceedings, mistaken though they be, were not only the determination of being the middle men between the coast and the interior, but also (as they thought) in order to prevent the country from being taken by white men. A report of what was called, "The scramble for Africa," then going on reached them in one form or another, and they were but safe-guarding the national interests.

§ 2. "A MILD TREATY"

¶57 About the month of May, 1888, all Lagos was startled by the report that the emissaries of the French from Porto Novo had reached Abẹ́òkúta, and that they concluded a treaty with the three leading chiefs, Ogundeyi, Onlado, and the Jaguna of Igbein (Ogundipe being dead) giving them large presents, and promising them a profitable trade, and the construction of a line of railway from Porto Novo to Abẹ́òkúta. Advantage was taken of the constant misunderstandings and frictions between the Lagos Government and the Ẹ̀gbás shown by the frequent blockading of the river and land route by the Ẹ̀gbás, and the stopping of all trade with Lagos.

¶58 The situation was saved for the British Government by the Ẹ̀gbá educated natives (i.e. Sierra Leoneans whose fathers were of Ẹ̀gbá origin) of Lagos, who, as soon as they heard the report, held a meeting among themselves without delay, and sent a deputation to Abẹ́òkúta to enquire from the chiefs how far the report was true. The deputation returned to Lagos on Whit Tuesday, May 22nd, 1888, with a confirmation of the rumour; however, the chiefs were said to have denied signing any treaty. Their language, which was regarded as not quite satisfactory, was to this effect :—

¶59 "We thank you for the solicitations you have manifested for your fatherland. You have done well in that, though living out of home, you have not forgotten the homeland and its interests. You call yourselves our children, but what have we, your parents, ever received from you? But immediately you heard that others have made us a few presents, you hastened to show us the danger lurking in their gifts. Some of you were born abroad and never made our acquaintance until now, very singular way indeed of showing love and interest towards one’s fatherland.

¶60 "Have you not observed the short weights and the short lengths in the folded cloths? Have you not noticed that the English cloths contain increasingly more chalk than cotton fibres, the liquor diluted, the price of our produce always falling and never rising? What have you done to help us in these things to make our labour more remunerative? Nothing. It strikes us that you only concerned yourselves in competing with the white men to make your own profits out of us. We have been trading with the English for years, and the result is like an operation on the treadmill, always on the move but remaining where we were with a tendency to a backward motion in spite of efforts continually put forth. But no sooner we attempt to try for a profitable trade with another people than you hasten to warn us of the danger that lies therein. We thank you for your anxious care, but neither to the French nor to the English are we giving our country."

¶61 Not satisfied with the character of the report of the deputation, the leading members of the educated Ẹ̀gbás of Lagos themselves went up to interview the chiefs, and warned them of the danger they were running of placing themselves between the upper and nether millstones of two European powers. What really passed between them in this interview was not made known, but the chiefs were said to have received them well, and assured them that they were not giving the country to anyone. Nothing further was heard of the movement, and thus the situation was saved.

¶62 When it was known that the Ẹ̀gbás claimed as far as Ebute Meta as their territory, surely no British officer at Lagos could view this movement with indifference. The very existence of Lagos would be at the mercy of the power predominant at Abẹ́òkúta.

¶63 Baulked at Abẹ́òkúta, rumour had it that the French emissaries were proceeding to Ọ̀yọ́ to establish friendly relations with the ALÁÀFIN.

¶64 As it was about this time the overlapping of interests in the scrambling had begun, and it was said to be laid down by the French that he who possessed the capital had the right to the rest of the country, the Governor of Lagos thereupon sent the writer—who happened to be at Lagos at the time—with a letter and a Treaty to the ALÁÀFIN of Ọ̀yọ́ as the Suzerain of Yoruba-land, which he termed "A Mild Treaty."

¶65 Government House, Lagos, May 23rd, 1888. No. 115/77.

¶66 King,—I received with much pleasure your letter of the 2oth February last, and beg to thank you for the present of two cloths of the country, any manufacture of which interests me indeed.

¶67 2. To show my esteem to you and my appreciation of the position you occupy I have asked the Rev. S. Johnson, who returns to his ministerial duties, to salute you and your people with my compliments and respect; and to wish well to you and yours.

¶68 3. As you know, and every Yoruba knows, people to the west and to the north are not Yoruba; they differ in feelings and object from Yorubas. You will have doubtless learnt I always aim at making all Yoruba-speaking peoples one in heart as they are in tongue. Towards such unity I attach much importance to a definite and permanent understanding between these Yoruba-speaking peoples, and this colony which is mainly inhabited by Yorubas. And where should I look first for sympathy and support but to Adeyemi, the ALÁÀFIN of Ọ̀yọ́ the titular King of all Yoruba?

¶69 4. Between you and the Governor of the Queen’s Colony of Lagos there should be ever friendship, goodwill which no foreign interference should be allowed to influence or disturb.

¶70 5. Yoruba-land was comprised traditionally as regards its corners a few years ago of Yoruba proper, Ẹ̀gbá, Ketu and Ìjẹ̀bú. Where is Ketu now? And from what direction was it destroyed?

¶71 6. Without the entertainment of the least desire to meddle with the government of such kingdoms as Yoruba, Ẹ̀gbá, or Ìjẹ̀bú, and with the assurance that not one yard of land is coveted by me, in feeling and sympathy for Yoruba union I desire that Lagos take the place of Ketu as the fourth corner.

¶72 7. If the accompanying document be agreeable to you, and embodies your wishes, sign it and return it to me. If your relations with the country to the north of yours be such as to admit of your persuading them what is to their interest, I would be glad to find you can get its people to sign a paper similar to the one I propose to yourself.

¶73 8. Look what has been done with considerable expense already by Her Majesty’s Government for the Yoruba-speaking countries in connection with the settlement among them in 1886 of what had been known as the Interior War, in which you took such action as should when you look back upon it swell your heart with pride, and your country with gratitude.

¶74 9. I am anxious to hear of large markets re-established between Ọ̀yọ́ Ogbomoso, Ìlọrin, Abẹ́òkúta and Ìjẹ̀bú as they existed in the past, and safe roads. How this can best be done I will be glad to hear from you.

¶75 10. You will be at liberty to send your accredited messengers to me should you desire to have a longer conversation than can well be put within the compass of an ordinary letter.

¶76 1x. I venture to send you five pounds as a small present. Wishing you and all your people every good wish.

¶77 I am, King, Your good friend, ALFRED C. MOLONEY, Governor.

¶78 The Treaty.

¶79 Treaty between Adeyemi, ALÁÀFIN of Ọ̀yọ́, and Head of Yoruba-land, and Her Majesty, Queen of Great Britain and Treland.

¶80 I, ADEYEMI, ALÁÀFIN of Ọ̀yọ́, and Head of Yoruba-land, the four corners of which are and have been from time immemorial known as Ẹ̀gbá, Ketu, Jebu, and Ọ̀yọ́, embracing within its area that inhabited by all Yoruba-speaking peoples, being desirous of entering into, and maintaining for ever, friendly relations with the subjects of Her Majesty, the Queen of Great Britain and Ireland, and of developing the resources of Yoruba by means of legitimate trade with the subjects of Her Majesty and those under her protection or who may hereafter come under her protection, and in gratitude for what the Queen has at so much expense and risk to life done from time to time for my country, have this day at the city of Ọ̀yọ́ in the presence of those who have hereunto subscribed their names as witnesses declared my intention of abiding by the following articles :—

¶81 1. From henceforth there should be peace and friendship between the subjects of Her Majesty the Queen, and those under her protection, and the ALÁÀFIN of Ọ̀yọ́ and King of Yorubaland and his people, and all other peoples over whom he has authority and influence.

¶82 2. The subjects of the Queen may always trade freely with the people of Ọ̀yọ́, and the Yoruba-speaking countries in every article they may wish to buy and sell, in all towns, rivers, creeks, waters, markets and places within territories known as Yoruba: and I, Adeyemi, pledge myself to show no favour and to give no privilege to the traders or people of other countries which I do not give or show to those of the Queen.

¶83 3. British subjects and others under the Queen’s protection are to have the first consideration in all trade transactions with my peoples.

¶84 4. No tolls, duties, fees, imposts, or charges shall be charged or levied upon the person or property of any British subject or other person under Her Majesty’s protection other than and beyond that or those which are customary and reasonable, or may from time to time be agreed upon to be so levied or charged by the Governor of Lagos and myself.

¶85 5. I will not allow any disputes that may arise between people frequenting or visiting the markets in my territory to interfere with or stop the markets; and all differences or disputes that may arise other than trade disputes between my peoples and those of other nations and tribes visiting the markets shall be adjusted by me or referred for adjustment and settlement to the decision of an arbitrator appointed by the Governor of Lagos, and the decision and award of such arbitrator shall be finally conclusive.

¶86 6. I engage as far as in me lies to bring about new markets between the Ọ̀yọ́s and the other Yoruba-speaking peoples, to promote the enlargement of existing ones, and to keep open all the roads through my kingdom to the Niger, and towards the coast.

¶87 7. It is hereby further agreed that no cession of territory and no other Treaty or Agreement shall be made by me other than the one I have now made without the full understanding and consent of the Governor for the time being of the said Colony of Lagos.

¶88 8. In consideration of the faithful observance of the foregoing Articles of the Agreement the Government of Lagos will make unto me a yearly dash to the. value of 200 (two hundred) bags of cowries, but such dash may upon breach or neglect of all or any one or more of the provisions of the Agreement and at the discretion of the Governor of the Colony of Lagos be altogether withdrawn or suspended.

¶89 g. Provided always that the terms of this Agreement be subject to the approval of Her Majesty.

¶90 Signed and sealed at Ọ̀yọ́ this 23rd day of July, 1888. ADEYEMI, ALÁÀFIN OF Ọ̀yọ́ X (his mark).

¶91 In the presence of SAMUEL JOHNSON, Clerk in Holy Orders. WILLIAM MosERI, Scripture Reader.

¶92 Ratification of the above Treaty.

¶93 Government House, Lagos, June 16th, 1890. No. 255/142.

¶94 King,—I have the pleasure of informing you that Her Majesty the Queen of England has been graciously pleased to ratify and confirm the Treaty between yourself and Her Majesty which you signed on the 23rd July, 1888, and which subject to Her Majesty’s approval I subsequently signed on Her Majesty’s behalf.

¶95 2. I am glad to think that the Treaty will tend to draw the people of this Colony and your subjects closer together. Both belong to the Yoruba race, and it is but natural that there should be peace, friendship and commerce between them.

¶96 3. It will be my duty in future under the Treaty to continue to pay to you as opportunities offer an annual present of 200 bags of cowries, subject always to the performance by you of your own obligations under the Treaty.

¶97 4. I forward to you £31 5s. in cash which represents what will become due to you by the 23rd prox.

¶98 5. I write to you in the full hope and expectation that you will not only remember, but faithfully and zealously fulfil all your engagements under the Treaty, and especially those relating to the increasing of the markets and the opening of new roads.

¶99 I am, King, Your friend, ALFRED MOLONEY, Governor and Commander-in-Chief of the Colony of Lagos.

§4. THE EXPLOITS OF ESAN AND THE CONTROVERSY THEREUPON.

¶101 In the year 1888 negotiation was set on foot through the instrumentality of the Olwiwo, one of the oldest and most venerable of the provincial kings in the Epo division, who was very much anxious for the restoration of peace in the country.

¶102 He prevailed upon the ALÁÀFIN to appoint a messenger to head those of the principal provincial kings of Yoruba forming a deputation to negotiate peace with Ìlọrin. The ALÁÀFIN did not object but his appointee was a private man and not an Ìlàrí which augured ill for the embassy, and betrayed the actual feelings of His Majesty on the subject.

¶103 These messengers went by Ogbomoso. On_ reaching Obanifisunwa, the last tollgate to Ìlọrin, they were met by the

¶104 Emir of Ìlọrin’s messenger who bade them halt there till further orders.

¶105 They were detained there for a week whilst private messages passed between Ìlọrin and the Ìlọrin camp.

¶106 Counting much upon the floating report of an august embassy like this, hundreds of traders went with them, seizing the opportunity of trading with Ìlọrin, owing to the distress which this protracted war had caused all over the country.

¶107 A few days after their arrival at Ìlọrin some mischievous persons in Karara’s camp went privately and kidnapped on the road between the camp and the city of Ìlọrin, and a report was manufactured and circulated, attributing this deed to the Ìbàdàns while negotiation of peace was going on! This so exasperated the Emir of Ìlọrin that when he was returning from the mosque on the Friday he rode direct to the Dongari’s house where these messengers were lodged and ordered them to leave the town before sunset! The truth, however, was soon found out, and the order was countermanded.

¶108 The negotiation however proved a failure as was anticipated, and when the messengers were returning home they were detained at Obanifisunwa for three days until the Emir sent an escort of horsemen to conduct them to the Ogbomgso farms, it having been known that a party of kidnappers from Karara’s camp lay in wait for them.

¶109 The Ìbàdàns it need hardly be said, were exceedingly annoyed, by these repeated disappointments. It had become evident now to all fair-minded persons that the protraction of this war was due entirely to the ALÁÀFIN and the Ìlọrins, the Ìbàdàns therefore were resolved to renew hostilities with Ìlọrin in right earnest.

¶110 It may here be remarked that at this time traders from all parts of the country were finding their way to Ìlọrin, and the Ogbomoso route was utilized to a large extent. This the Ìbàdàns knew and hitherto connived at, but now they took measures to stop it at once. Another trade route was via Ìṣẹ́yìn, Papa, Saki, Igboho and Igbeti to Ìlọrin and from Ìṣẹ́yìn on the other side to Abẹ́òkúta. Practically therefore peaceful intercourse was going on in one part of the country, whilst war was going on in another, and it was known to the Ìbàdàns that the Ìlọrins were importing rifles by this route to fight them at Ọ̀fà; they were therefore resolved to put a stop to this also. For this purpose they utilized the services of one Esan, an expert in organizing kidnapping expeditions, and sent him to the Oke Ogun districts with a free hand against Ìlọrin traders. Twice did Esan kidnap caravans along this route; several Ẹ̀gbá traders were kidnapped, and they suffered an immense loss of their merchandise. This exasperated the Ẹ̀gbás and they complained of it both to the ALÁÀFIN OF Ọ̀yọ́ and to the Governor of Lagos whilst at the same time they themselves kidnapped in the Ìbàdàn farms, as well as the caravans to Ìjẹ̀bú.

¶111 The letter to the ALÁÀFIN on the subject:

¶112 Iporo Abẹ́òkúta, February 8th, 1889. His Majesty ADEYEMI, KING OF Ọ̀yọ́. YOUR MAJESTY,

¶113 We, the undersigned and authorities of Abẹ́òkúta, have the opportunity of writing to you on a subject we have lately heard from your territories. We learnt that the Ìbàdàn people came to stop or blockade the peaceable traffic road at the town Lanlate, which was freely opened to all free traders, even from interior to Lagos, by catching the Ìlọrin and Ẹ̀gbá peaceful traders. They even proceeded their attempts to Eruwa close to our country simply on account of the war they are still fighting. We beg to request and show you that if this bad practice is just and right? for we know certainly that it will soon create an uneasiness betwixt us and the neighbouring tribes which will cause a great war. Kindly try and put a stop to this bad practice at once, for the road to Ìlọrin was freely opened for the Ẹ̀gbás, Ọ̀yọ́s, Ìlọrins, Baribas, and all these peaceable traders, and even the Ìbàdàn people themselves are trading all along our surrounding countries, even: to our countries. We beg you to drive out from your neighbouring countries these rascals, and vagabonds not Ìbàdàn people.

¶114 We await your favourable reply to the succession of our request. Wishing you health and prosperity.

¶115 We are your true friends,

¶116 ONLADO X (their marks) JAGUNA x OGUNDEYI x ALI BALÓGUN x

¶117 The following is a copy of the reply to the above letter from the

ALÁÀFIN.

¶119 The Palace, Ọ̀yọ́, February 19th, 1889.

¶120 To the Onlado, Jaguna, Ogundeyi and Ali Balógun.

¶121 My Goop FRIENDS,

¶122 I have the pleasure to convey that I have received your kind letter of the 4th inst. and have perused its contents with the diligence it requires and I beg to return my sincere thanks to you for the honour and good faith conferred on me by referring the matter of the raid committed in my territory to me.

¶123 I beg to express my regret for the action done by the Ìbàdàn ruffians, and you are worthy of thanks for making this known to me, and I shall take a prompt and decisive step in redressing this evil. I will lose no time in sending to my subjects about the matter. It is well that the peace of the country be preserved that trade should flourish and war to cease, and all my efforts will be to this end. Will you bear with me until matters are rectified?

¶124 I have the honour to remain, Your true friend, ADEYEMI x (his mark) King of Yoruba.

¶125 The following letter from the Acting-Governor of Lagos, G. C. Denton, to the Ìbàdàn chiefs on the same subject.

¶126 Government House, Lagos, October 9th, 1889. No. 310/167.

¶127 GENTLEMEN,—In connection with my letter No. 273/145 of the 30th August last, to which I have as yet received no reply, I have the honour to inform you that in a communication which I have received from the Abẹ́òkúta authorities, it is alleged that some four months ago the Ìbàdàn soldiers attacked and plundered by night caravans of traders belonging to Abẹ́òkúta, and amongst the people killed were Ẹ̀gbás, Ìlọrins, Hausas and Baribas. Horses, cattle, asses, kola nuts and cotton goods were carried off by your countrymen, and a number of people were captured. Some of the persons seized and a portion of the plunder were sent to you, to the ALÁÀFIN of Ọ̀yọ́ and to the Aseyin, the remainder you conveyed to your camp at Ìkirun.

¶128 2. On hearing of this raid on your part the Ẹ̀gbás at once sent messengers to the ALÁÀFIN and the Aseyin to enquire into the truth of the report which had reached them. They discovered the rumour to be well-founded and they therefore recalled their people and the caravans pending the adjustment of the disturbances.

¶129 3. Again a few weeks after the occurrence to which I refer it is stated by the Ẹ̀gbás that you suddenly descended on their farms and plundered them.

¶130 The Ẹ̀gbás admit that in revenge for what you had done to them they after this attacked the Ìbàdàn farms.

¶131 4. It is further alleged that you carried your depredations into the Ìjẹ̀bú country and plundered some farms at Ipara.

¶132 5. I am very reluctant to believe that the acts with which you are charged have been committed by you ; but in the face of the statement which I now convey to you it is hard for me to exonerate you from blame.

¶133 6. When I remember too the part which you took in the Treaty of 23rd September, 1886, and the protestation of the desire for peace which have been made by your messengers in my presence, I am at a loss to understand your action, unless there be some explanation for it, which I am not in possession of and it is to give you an opportunity of exculpating yourselves from blame in this matter that I now address this letter to you.

¶134 7. In the letter to which I refer in the first part of this communication, I endeavoured to remind you of the sad and bitter disasters which attend on war, and to impress on you that the prosperity of your country is best served by your peaceful intercourse with your neighbours.

¶135 Let me again put this before you and with the assurance of my goodwill, and of the great interest which I take in the affairs of Yoruba-land. Allow me to be,

¶136 Your good friend,

¶137 G. C. DENTON, Acting-Governor.

¶138 The reply of the Ìbàdàns to the above letter.

¶139 Ìkirun, November 20th, 1889.

¶140 To His Excellency, Capt. G. C. Denton.

¶141 Your EXCELLENCY,

¶142 We hereby acknowledge the receipt of your kind letter which is a sort of supplement to that of the 30th August. It got to our hands yesterday and it has received our due consideration.

¶143 2. We thank Your Excellency for requiring a clear statement from us after the receipt of the communication from the Ẹ̀gbás. We trust that ere this reaches you our reply to Your Excellency’s former letter will have got into your hands, wherein you will find but a part of the reply to their charges.

¶144 3. It was true we kidnapped the caravans to and from Ìlọrin but allow us to say that they were no Ẹ̀gbá traders but Hausas and Ìlọrin people, and we are glad Your Excellency has given us an opportunity of explaining ourselves.

¶145 4. Your Excellency knew very well that the difference between us and the Ẹ̀gbás and the Ìlọrins has not yet been adjusted and yet the road has been opened through our territory, and that we have long permitted this undisturbed. It was for the interest of trade with a view to the final settlement of the war that we have permitted this. But when we found that it will eventually end in our ruin we put a stop to it.

¶146 5. Since the late Ìjàyè war of 1860 the Ẹ̀gbás would not allow any ammunition to pass from their town to us, but those so-called traders were returning with Sneiders and cartridges from Abẹ́òkúta to strengthen the hands of the Ìlọrins against us, and having a timely intimation of it we took steps to prevent the ruin of our country, and could we be blamed for preventing our own ruin especially when the ammunitions are to pass through our own territory?

¶147 Ẹ̀gbá traders were at Ìṣẹ́yìn, Ọ̀yọ́ and in all our Oke Ogun towns and they are not wanting till to-day. Did we touch any of them? If the traders we kidnapped had not traded in ammunition we would not have troubled them.

¶148 6. From our last letter Your Excellency will find that it was the Ẹ̀gbás who were the aggressors, having first kidnapped on the Ipara and Oru roads and have committed raids in our farms before we retaliated. We had ceased escorting caravans to Ìjẹ̀bú but we were obliged to do so since they were kidnapping on the roads. This was even before the Oke Ogun affair.

¶149 7. Why should the Ẹ̀gbás complain of our raids in the Ìjẹ̀bú farms? They should let the Ìjẹ̀bús complain themselves. The fact of the case is this—The Ìjẹ̀bús and the Ẹ̀gbás were not on terms and the Ẹ̀gbás have succeeded in stopping the trade between Ipara and Ìbàdàn by kidnapping and blockading that road. In retaliation the Ìjẹ̀bú Remo at Ipara have obtained re-inforcement in the idle ones at home to harass them in their farms, and why should they saddle this on us here at Ìkirun?

¶150 Your Excellency must take our word. We beg to affirm once more that if the Ẹ̀gbás cease kidnapping in our farms and the Ìjẹ̀bú roads we will not kidnap in their farms. Your Excellency must not doubt our sincerity in whatever we say, and if anything happens to the contrary it must have a reason and we are ready to explain ourselves.

¶151 8. It is our wish to be sending our messengers down frequently to keep the Governor well-informed of all the incidents which may be occurring here, but we beg to say we have not the oppor

¶152 tunity of a free communication with Lagos. We say this in confidence to the Governor as we do not mean to complain of the Ìjẹ̀bús who have done so much for us. If this get to their hearing they will take it as a complaint against them and we shallsmart for it. Hence we say this is private and in confidence. We had to buy the road as it were before our messenger went down also even this we do not mind.

¶153 But they are still never pleased and they must know why we send down. We beg to suggest to the Governor that whenever the Governor wishes to see our messenger to let the Awùjalẹ̀ know of it, as we are ready to send at any time.

¶154 Wishing Your Excellency good health.

¶155 Your good friends their marks, ÀJÀYÍ, Balógun of Ìbàdàn x OsuNTOKI, Máyè of Ìbàdàn x Fijabi, Abese of Ìbàdàn x Fajinmi, Agbakin of Ìbàdàn xX

¶156 In consequence of the remonstrance of the Ẹ̀gbá chiefs, the Ìṣẹ́yìn chiefs, with the exception of the Aseyin himself, were against further raids being committed at least within their territory, but they could not prevent it.

¶157 Towards the end of June, 1889, hearing of caravans going again to Ìlọrin, Esan came and met them at Ìṣẹ́yìn. It was generally believed that he was invited by Lawore the Aseyin, but the chiefs insisted that Esan shall not capture these Hausa and Ẹ̀gbá traders in their town of Ìṣẹ́yìn. Esan with his small body of troops therefore left the town and encamped at a place called Boiboi over against Ìṣẹ́yìn spoiling their farms. The ALÁÀFIN hearing this sent kegs of powder and bowis of bullets to Esan, not because he favoured Esan’s raids, but because he felt that the Aseyin’s authority should be upheld against his chiefs.

¶158 The Ìṣẹ́yìn people dared not attack Esan, because that would amount to attacking an Ìbàdàn army, and consequently there was nothing to be done but to have a conference on the subject. Esan would not agree to any terms but the expulsion of the Hausa traders from the town. This was done on the 29th of June, 1889.

¶159 Esan hearing of this expulsion, gave chase and overtook them at the brook Od6é Ofiké and plundered them, carrying away much booty.

¶160 This was the last of Esan’s successful exploits, for early in the following year he led an expedition to the Sabe country, and besieged Danikan, their chief town. Here he was attacked by the Sabes in overwhelming numbers, and hemmed in on every side, his little band of troops was dispersed, and he was taken alive and slain.

¶161 The late Esan was a native of Mọ́dàkẹ́kẹ́; he came suddenly into notice in the years 1887 to 1889. He was a first-rate swordsman, and specially skilful in the use of the cutlass called Oya. He led several kidnapping expeditions to the Ẹ̀gbá farms, attacked and defeated several Ẹ̀gbá kidnapping expeditions to the Ìbàdàn farms. We have noticed above his exploits in the Oke Ogun districts, three times in succession did he attack and plunder Ìlọrin, Hausa and Egbatraders. He now lost his life in attempting with a handful of men to take Danikan in the Sabe country on the 5th of February, 1890.