Part II — Yoruba Kings and Contemporary Events

Part II — Yoruba Kings and Contemporary Events

Fourth Period — Arrest of Disintegration, Inter-tribal Wars, the British Protectorate (Atiba to Adeyemi)

Chapter 32. Abortive Measures To Terminate The War

§ 1. THE MISSION OF ALVAN MILLSON

¶2 WE have seen that by the terms of the Kíríjí Treaty, the ALÁÀFIN was made responsible for the settlement of the Ìbàdàn-Ìlọrin war, and that Chief Ògèdèngbé failed in 1886 to induce the Commissioners to send messengers to the Ìlọrin camp, because they were not commissioned thither.

¶3 The ALÁÀFIN however was suspected of duplicity by his people, for several of his private messengers to Karara had been caught, and instead of making a move, he had to be moved by the Awùjalẹ̀ of Ìjẹ̀bú, and the Oluiwo of Ìwó to undertake measures towards the. restoration of peace. Whenever he was as it were forced to send a peace embassy to Ìlọrin, he would send a private man for that purpose instead of an Ìlàrí; if pressed for an Jlari, he sent Ọba-ko-se-tan! Showing he was not ready. It became evident that although he wanted peace in the abstract, yet he wished to keep the Ìbàdàns fully engaged at a distance from home.

¶4 The Governor received several communications from the interior kings and chiefs, notably the Oluiwo of Ìwó, praying His Excellency to bring to a finish the good work commenced in 1886, by sending up again special Commissioners for the purpose, as it has proved to be that the seat of war had but changed from Kíríjí Mesin to Yanayo-Ìkirun.

¶5 Unfortunately His Excellency did not consider the matter of so much importance as to send up a strong embassy direct to Ọ̀yọ́ and Ìlọrin. He sent a single European officer, Mr. Alvan Millson, the Asst. Col. Secretary, and a native officer, Mr. F. Colley-Green, a subintendant of police with instructions to gather representatives from both the Ìlọrin and Ìbàdàn camps for a "palaver" and to endeavour to mediate between them and get them to decamp and return to their homes!

¶6 The Commissioners left Lagos on the 14th January, 1890, arrived at Ìjẹ̀bú Ode on the 15th, left on the 17th and arrived at Ìbàdàn on the roth. Leaving Ìbàdàn on the 24th, they arrived at Ọ̀yọ́ on the 25th. They had an interview with the ALÁÀFIN on the 26th when His Majesty was informed of the object of their mission.

¶7 Obtaining two messengers from him they left Ọ̀yọ́ on the 29th

¶8 January and arrived at Ìkirun on the 3rd February. It must be remarked that the messengerssent by the ALÁÀFIN for this important business were both private men, and no Ìlàrí, which is very significant.

¶9 The interview between the Commissioners and the authorities of Ìbàdàn took place on the 4th of February, the Commissioners delivered to them the compliments of His Excellency the Governor, and their message and instructions were to this effect :—

¶10 That the authorities of Ìbàdàn should assist or second the Governor’s effort in obtaining a permanent peace in the Yoruba country. In order to do this they should facilitate their proceeding to Ìlọrin for an interview with the Emir, and negotiate with him terms of peace and the withdrawal of his troops under his Commander-in-Chief Karara, now at Ọ̀fà. -They were also to gather representative people from both powers for a "palaver "and to disperse both camps.

¶11 This seemed to the war chiefs like trifling with the affair, as if a fierce race of warriors like the Ìlọrins bent on conquest could be induced to leave their camps on such conditions!

¶12 The Commissioners found it impracticable to proceed either to the Ìlọrin camp or to Ìlọrin; the direct route was the scene of the conflict. Not only so, but the Commissioners also witnessed two attacks on Ìkirun by the Ìlọrin army from OOfa, and were convinced of the risk of venturing to the Ìlọrin camp with an escort of only eight Hausa soldiers! The Ìbàdàn chiefs would not even allow it.

¶13 The Commissioners were resolved to try the Ìjẹ̀ṣà route. The way to Mesin Ipole by the old Kíríjí route had been closed when the Ìjẹ̀ṣàs kidnapped about 150 Ọ̀yọ́ traders, who, taking advantage of the peace now existing between them after the breaking up of the Kíríjí-Mesin camps were utilising that way for trade with the Èkìtì countries.1. This serious breach of the Treaty by the Ìjẹ̀ṣàs excited no comment at Lagos at the time, because it was not followed by a retaliation: the Ìbàdàns simply protested against such actions, and closed the road.

¶14 The Commissioners were resolved to try the Ilẹ̀ṣà route via Òṣogbo and Oke Bode. At the latter place armed men barred the way, preventing further progress. For three hours they were under the blazing mid-day sun, after which better counsel pre The Commissioner had occasion afterwards to question Ògèdèngbé about this action. He confirmed the report but justified himself by saying that they were considerate enough to sell the parties to Mọ́dàkẹ́kẹ́ so that their friends might have the chance of ransoming them. But why doit atall? He replied— Because the Ìbàdàns remained still at Ìkirun.

¶15 vailed, and they were allowed to go under shelter but not to proceed an inch further on their journey; in the meantime they were communicating with the authorities at headquarters. The Commissioners had to write to the Ọwá and the Sẹ́rìkí of their detention, and the reply they received was from one G. W. Johnson, a bookbinder of Lagos, acting as secretary and writing in the nanie of the Kings of the Èkìtì parapos. . . . "Who are you? We do not know you; are you a Missionary? Why do you trespass on Ìjẹ̀ṣà soil without first notifying the 16 kings of the Ekitiparapos?" The Commissioners wrote back to say who they were and requested permission to visit the Ọwá. The reply came that the Oke Bode people should allow them to proceed ; this they did, but refused to supply them with a guide; they had to write again to the Ọwá for a guide which they obtained before they could proceed, after full ten days’ detention. The Ọwá and Ògèdèngbé subsequently apologised to them for this action of the Oke Bode people.

¶16 They spent three days at Ilẹ̀ṣà before proceeding to Esa Egure where they met with the Ọwá of the Ìjẹ̀ṣàs, and spent four days with him, discussing with him the object of their mission.

¶17 At Mesin Ipole they interviewed the Sẹ́rìkí and the three principal Èkìtì kings: but Ògèdèngbé the Sẹ́rìkí objected to their going to Ìlọrin by way of Mesin. "No road," said he, "the path is full of ditches." On Mr. Millson persisting and offering to go with only his cook if possible he told him plainly he covld not be allowed to go as it would involve the loss of their lives. He even declined to take a letter from him to Karara the Dorin Generalissimo, telling him that it would get him in hot water with the Ìlọrins as was the case when the former Commissioners came in 1886 to disperse the camps at Kíríjí.

¶18 The Commissioners had to go back to Ìkirun by the way they came, and told the Ìbàdàn chiefs of the failure of their mission.

¶19 Thus ended in failure this ill-conceived, unstatesmanlike mission which sought to intervene between two fierce armies in a conflict that had lasted 14 years by means which could scarcely have separated two excited parties in a village riot.

§ 2. SUBSIDIARY EFFORTS OF THE REV. S. JOHNSON

¶21 Whilst the above episode was being enacted, the writer who was then at Lagos was invited to an interview with the Governor. His Excellency wishing him to join the above mission, obtained permission from the local C.M.S. Secretary to send him up. He was to be the bearer of letters to the Awùjalẹ̀, the ALÁÀFIN, the Aseyin and to receive accredited messengers from the first two as well as from the Oluiwo of Ìwó and the Bále of Ogbomoso, and with these, as representatives of their masters join the Commissioners at Ìkirun for a conference which was to put an end to the war! The writer was also to render assistance to the Commissioners as he did in 1886.

¶22 Whilst the Governor was interesting himself in the affairs of the interior, and doing his best to restore peace to the country, some ill-informed persons at Lagos, under the plea of patriotism, were trying to undermine his efforts. After the Commissioners had gone up, private messages were sent to the Awùjalẹ̀ of Ìjẹ̀bú that they should not let the white man terminate this war for them, lest they rob them of their country, deprive them of their wives, give freedom to their slaves, and that eventually they would be reduced to the condition of having to hoe their own farms for themselves, and to perform other menial work.

¶23 This was speedily communicated to all the kings and chiefs of the interior. The Ìjẹ̀bú authorities went one step further, resolving not to allow any Lagos trader or any foreigner to pass through their country to the interior and vice versa. The law was so stringently enforced that the writer, although so well known at Ìjẹ̀bú during the peace negotiations of 1886, found it hard to proceed up country ; he had to leave his luggage at the port Ito Ike and to enter Ìjẹ̀bú Ode in the night to obtain permission from the king to pass through his country. His being also the bearer of a letter from the Governor of Lagos to the Awùjalẹ̀ emboldened him to proceed to that capital.

¶24 Even the Awùjalẹ̀ himself was careful not to infringe the law. He refused to see the writer when he was announced to him ; he sent word to say that whatever message he brought for him from the Governor, should be delivered to the Balógun Nofowokan who would deliver the same to him. It was in the dead of night at last, that the Awùjalẹ̀ arranged for a private interview with the writer, and that was owing to the influence of the Balógun. He was very careful to have this nocturnal visit in order that he might not offend the Ìjẹ̀bús, although personally he did not approve of these measures.

¶25 The writer was detained at Ìjẹ̀bú Ode for another day. At the suggestion of the Balógun, with the approval of the Awùjalẹ̀, all the Ìjẹ̀bú authorities were summoned together to hear the Governor’s message from the mouth of the messenger himself. After hearing the letter read, and after consultation with one another, their spokesman came forward and said: "We have already sent our messengers to the interior for peace negotiations with Ìlọrin, the King his Agirin, the Osugbos, the Lamurins, and the Ipampas their messengers, they are probably now at Ìbàdàn, and we are decided not to send up fresh messengers ; those already sent, the Governor’s messenger will meet there, and they will go with him together with the messengers of the Aseyin and of Oluiwo to the ALÁÀFIN who will appoint his messenger with them to meet the Commissioner.

¶26 The Awùjalẹ̀, as one interested in the peace of the country, moreover told the writer in confidence that he had been in communication with the Aláàfin, and that His Majesty complained bitterly of the Ìbàdàns, but he had begged him to overlook his grievances at present in the interest of peace to the country at large, and after this he would exert his influence with the Ìbàdàns, and that His Majesty would find in the end that the Ìbàdàns would be more loyal to him.

¶27 But, as the sequel will show, it was evident that the insinuations of the so-called patriots of Lagos had poisoned the minds not only of the Awùjalẹ̀, but of all the interior kings and chiefs also, and the Governor’s messenger was duped throughout whereever he went.

¶28 Arriving at Ìbàdàn on the 21st March, he lost no time in looking up the Ìjẹ̀bú messengers, and informed them of the resolution arrived at by the Awùjalẹ̀ in council, and asked when they would be ready to proceed to Ọ̀yọ́. They excused themselves by saying that they had a special message for the war chiefs at Ìkirun from home, and that they were expecting the answer on Monday, the 24th, after which they would be ready to proceed; if the 26th suited him they might start together on that date. To this he readily consented.

¶29 On the 25th the Governor’s messenger sent to ascertain from these Ijébus whether they would be ready to start on the morrow accoiding to arrangement: they told his messenger he should wait for them at the town gate early in the morning, and there they would join him. But this they never meant to do. The Governor’s messenger waited for hours at the gate, but they never turned up. He had to proceed alone.

¶30 These Ìjẹ̀bú messengers subsequently arrived at Ọ̀yọ́ after the Governor’s messenger had proceeded to Iséyin on his errand ; it was after his return from Ìṣẹ́yìn that he learnt indirectly from them, that they had not the intention of going with him to join the Commissioner, that was not part of their instructions from home, they were instructed to remain at Ọ̀yọ́ and from thence conduct all negotiations with the messengers from the important chiefs of every part of the country, and never to return home until the war should end. The Governor’s messenger had no alternative but to leave them, but before going away he suggested to them that they should send a special messenger home to ascertain whether the information he conveyed to them from the Awùjalẹ̀ in council was true or not, promising to call again to hear the result.

¶31 The Governor’s messenger proceeded to Ogbomgsg on his errand on the 5th April, 1890. The authorities of Ogbomgso felt flattered that they should have been so recognized by the Governor as to be required to take part in the peace negotiations; they readily sent two messengers, one from the Bále the other from the Ompetu on Easter Tuesday, April 8th, 1890. These repaired to Ọ̀yọ́ with the Governor’s messenger.

¶32 The Ìjẹ̀bú messengers were again interviewed to learn whether they had heard from home. The Governor’s messenger was taken aback to hear them giving vent to their pent-up feelings in these words:

¶33 "Why should the Governor of Lagos request the Ìjẹ̀bú king to send messengers along with his own? A year ago did not the Awùjalẹ̀ send to the Governor to solicit his aid to bring to a successful issue the good work the English Government had so kindly begun, and was not the Acting Governor indignant at the Ìbàdàns, calling them thieves and robbers, and asking why they remained still at Ìkirun, and whether that was their home? And were not the Ìlọrins in their farms? "Leave me alone," said he, "I will only interest myself in the affairs of the Colony. Let the Awùjalẹ̀ and the ALÁÀFIN, who are rulers in the interior, settle their interior difficulties themselves." °

¶34 "Hereupon "—they continued—"the Awùjalẹ̀ at the instance, of the Oluiwo, sent an embassy through Ìwó to Ọ̀yọ́ to negotiate peace. Although the ALÁÀFIN was prevailed upon to send his messenger, yet he felt the proceedings irregular and his dignity affronted, hence everything promised failure at the start. The messengers had to wait nine days at Ogbomoso before proceeding to Ìlọrin, and the result proved a failure. Profiting by past experience, we are now instructed to come straight to the ALÁÀFIN, and to act according to his orders, to go backwards and forwards as he should direct. And why should the Governor now require our king to send delegates with his own after his locum tenens had told us to see after the interior difficulties ourselves?"

¶35 This ended the efforts of the Governor’s messenger with the Ìjẹ̀bús. It was plain now that he could not get them to go with him.

¶36 His Majesty the ALÁÀFIN was waited upon by the Governor’s messenger on his arrival from Lagos, and he delivered the Governor’s letter and message to him.

¶37 The Governor’s letter to the ALÁÀFIN. Government House, Lagos, No. 3/51. March 13th, 1890. To THE ALÁÀFIN OF Ọ̀yọ́.

¶38 King,—I have the pleasure of announcing to you my return in good health to my Government.

¶39 2. Since my departure to my country last year, many things have happened, some of which have caused me joy and others regret.

¶40 3. It is a source of gratification to me to reflect that my own colony remains prosperous.

¶41 4. Unfortunately the war between the Ìlọrins and Ìbàdàns continues, and the Ìbàdàns are still at Ìkirun.

¶42 5. Happily, however, both sides appear to be tired of hostilities! and I hope that my Commissioner, who is charged with mediating between them, will induce them to make a lasting peace.

¶43 6. You have seen my Commissioner, and been courteous and hospitable towards him. I thank you, and I remember that my Commissioners who made a settlement between the Ìbàdàns and the Ekitiparapos four years ago retain a pleasant recollection of their intercourse with you.

¶44 7. My Commissioner is about to proceed by way of Ìkirun to Oke Mesin or some more northerly or easterly spot where the final negotiations can most conveniently take place.

¶45 8. I think it due to Yoruba-land and desirable that he be accompanied thither, or joined there by accredited representatives of the parties principally interested in the restoration of peace ; and I therefore invite you to send with him or after him messengers who will possess your mind and who will have full authority to enter into engagements on behalf of yourself and your people.

¶46 9. My sorrow and astonishment were not small when I heard that the Ìbàdàns had stopped the trade route which leads through your province of Ìṣẹ́yìn.

¶47 to. The prosperity of Yoruba-land which I have at heart depends largely as it seems to me upon its trade routes being kept open; and I shall be glad to consider any suggestions or proposals that you may be prepared to make, with a view to the opening and keeping open of the trade routes of all Yoruba, or at any rate of as many of them as possible.

¶48 I am, King, Your true friend, ALFRED MOLONEY, Governor and Commander-in-Chief of the Colony of Lagos.

§ 3. THE ALÁÀFIN’s DIPLOMACY

¶50 The above letter being read and interpreted to the King, he expressed his willingness to second the Governor’s proposals.

¶51 On hearing afterwards what the Ìjẹ̀bú messengers said, he was not surprised, but simply said, "I fully expected they would act thus, but being most concerned in the matter, I shall appoint my own delegates. But the Aseyin’s messenger should not be left out, the Aseyin being equally interested in the matter." The Governor’s messenger replied that although his instructions did not include the Aseyin, he did not think that the Governor would have any objection if the ALÁÀFIN saw fit to include a messenger from the Aseyin. Who could have doubted His Majesty’s sincerity in such a reply? But the sequel shows that he was a past master in diplomacy: he resented the Governor’s treating with his subordinate chiefs as on an equality with himself and was determined to show it.

¶52 He actually appointed his Ọba-ko-setan to go with the Governor’s messenger, and sent to the Baṣọ̀run to appoint another to accompany his own: but as the Governor’s messenger was on the point of starting (Friday, 11th April) he told him that Friday was an inauspicious day when they should never send messages abroad, but that the messengers would join him the next day at Ìwó.

¶53 The Oluiwo appointed his own man on the Saturday against the arrival of the ALÁÀFIN’s messenger who was to bring with him those from Ogbomoso and Ìṣẹ́yìn. But they waited in vain! On the evening of Sunday the 13th a private messenger came from the ALÁÀFIN to the Oluiwo and the Governor’s messenger to say that since the departure of the latter from Ọ̀yọ́ he had been informed that the Ìbàdàns had sent an expedition to Ilero, and as a goodly number of Ọ̀yọ́ princes and princesses reside there, and the Ìbàdàns were going to enslave them, he must wait to redeem them all, before he thought of helping them! This of course was a made-up story purely invented as an excuse for not sending anyone ; moreover, the Ogbomoso messengers he sent back home.

¶54 The disappointment of the Governor’s messenger can well be imagined. He had to return at once at his call, but to tell the ALÁÀFIN that if he could not carry out that part of his instructions, he must at all events proceed to meet the Commissioners. He returned for this purpose the next day via Ìwó again, and met the Commissioners at Èdè on their return journey after the failure of their mission. Together with them he returned to Ọ̀yọ́.

¶55 A few days after the happening of the above events, the writer in conversation with a highly respectable Ọ̀yọ́ gentleman, complained bitterly of the disappointments and rebuffs he lately met with, not only from the Ìjẹ̀bús but also by the action of the ALÁÀFIN, to which also the action of the Ijebuscould betraced. The ALÁÀFIN was always fair, courteous, and polite, but no reliance could be placed upon his words. The writer recalled the incident of the messengers, how he would send private gentlemen instead of an Ìlàrí on important state business when he knew the matter would thereby end in failure, etc. The following dialogue which passed between them will show the Ọ̀yọ́ official view of the matter. To the messenger’s complaints the citizen replied :—

¶56 Cit... Ah yes, but see what treatment the Governor has offered our Master!

¶57 Mess.: What treatment?

¶58 Cit. : Suppose the Queen of the Géhési (the English) is at war with the King of the Aguda (the Portugese) and the King of Fransé (the French) offered to mediate between them, and suppose he sent his messenger to the Queen, and to the Báles (Mayors) of those great English towns we have heard of such as the shipbuilding town (Liverpool) the cloth-weaving town (Manchester), and the town where iron goods come from (Birmingham), asking them to send their own messengers with that of the Queen for a conference, putting them as it were on an equality with the Queen, how would she like it? Although a woman I believe she would resent it. Yet that is precisely what the Governor has done, sending to the Bále of Ogbomoso, and the Oluiwo to send their messengers along with that of the ALÁÀFIN with you to meet the Commissioner for a conference!

¶59 Mess.: Did not the ALÁÀFIN himself suggest the Aseyin, how could it have displeased him when he himself suggested a messenger from the Aseyin?

¶60 Cit. (laughing he said) : But can’t you see that that is ironical? Did you not come with a letter from the Governor to the Aseyin? And yet in the matter of delegates youleft him out. The ALÁÀFIN simply meant to point out to you your inconsistency in leaving him out, for he is higher in rank than either the Bále of Ogbomoso or the Oluiwo. But don’t you see that no messenger from any of them joined you after all?

¶61 Mess.: Well, if we made a mistake we are quite willing to be corrected but why did he not tell us so?) Why adopt measures which will serve to wreck the whole scheme?

¶62 Cit.: That is not Ọ̀yọ́ etiquette. You know it is never considered polite with Yorubas to tell one to whom respect is due that he is wrong in his methods, but when he meets with failure then he will reconsider his methods. It is not for the ALÁÀFIN

¶63 bluntly to correct the Governor, but when he fails in his movements then he must know that his measures were wrong.

¶64 Mess. : But the Governor cannot be expected to know these tortuous Yoruba methods, the Englishman prefers straight dealing.

¶65 Cit.: But he ought at any rate to know what is due to a Sovereign or he would not have been selected to represent one. You are just looking at the matter from the standpoint of the Governor’s messenger that you are, but the ALÁÀFIN must consider how your message affects him with his chiefs.

¶66 Before the Commissioners left Ìkirun, they got the Ìbàdàns to sign a declaration that they would in future be more loyal to the ALÁÀFIN and that the Governor in consultation with the ALÁÀFIN should delimit the boundaries of the territories immediately under them and that any such delimitation which has the ALÁÀFIN’S signature they would accept.

¶67 On the Commissioners reaching Ọ̀yọ́ they induced the ALÁÀFIN to agree to this proposal, and further that His Majesty should pledge himself and subjects not to disturb the peace of the country ; should any disturbance arise, before any hostile action is resorted to, that he would communicate at once with the Governor as to what measures would be taken and how the offender would be dealt with. The Commissioners scarcely saw that in this they were asking the ALÁÀFIN to surrender his sovereign rights to the Governor. This latter declaration was to be signed also by the Oluiwo, the Timi of Èdè, the Bále of Ogbomoso and the Aseyin of Ìṣẹ́yìn.

¶68 On the 10th of May the writer accompanied by Ọba-ko-se-tan, started with a copy of this declaration. The Oluiwo signed it on the same day, the Ìbàdàn chiefs at Ìkirun signed it on the 16th, the Timi of Èdè’s signature the Ìbàdàn chiefs thought was not necessary, being a subordinate chief to Ìbàdàn, and what the Balógun of Ìbàdàn signed was enough for him; but that the Bále of Ogbomoso may. For this purpose, and to expedite matters, they sent a messenger along with the Governor’s messenger to assure him of their conclusions.

¶69 But the Bále of Ogbomoso in consultation with his chiefs refused to sign the paper although they agreed with everything it contained. No argument could shake them from their determination. "What His Majesty the ALÁÀFIN signed," said they, "as well as the Ìbàdàn chiefs, was good enough for us, we are their subjects." This was no doubt due to the rebuff they met with at Ọ̀yọ́ when sending their messenger to go with the Governor's.

¶70 The Aseyin, amidst the excitement of the Dahomian invasion, signed the declaration on the 2nd of June, 1890.

§ 4. CORRESPONDENCE AND A TREATY

¶72 The following letter was sent to the ALÁÀFIN with a copy of a Treaty by Taniafisara, the ALÁÀFIN’S messenger, who returned to Lagos with Mr. Alvan Millson, M.A. :—

¶73 Government House, Lagos, May toth, 1890. No. 214/115.

¶74 Sir,—On the 13th March last I had the honour to inform you of my return, and I express my sorrow and astonishment to find that the Ìbàdàns had stopped the trade route through Ìṣẹ́yìn.

¶75 z. I now hasten to thank you for sending me your messenger Taniafisara. He was accompanied by representatives of the Balógun of Ìbàdàn, of the Abese of Ìbàdàn, and the Oluiwo of Ìwó.

¶76 3. It pained me much, I must admit, to find closed on my return one of the commercial roads to the intenor viz., by Eruwa, by which this Colony, the Ẹ̀gbás and Yorubas are benefited ; and another to Remo, Ipara-Ìbàdàn route rendered insecure from raids. Here you have an example of cause and effect ; because Eruwa road was plundered, the Ipara route was raided.

¶77 4. The Ìbàdàn action was a breach by them unwillingly, perhaps, of the provisions. of the Treaty of peace, friendship and commerce existing between this colony and your kingdom ; further, it was an unfriendly act towards this Government which has done so much for them and the country.

¶78 5. I must disapprove of the Ìbàdàn raids upon the Abẹ́òkúta, Eruwa, Ìṣẹ́yìn road, and as I feel bound to hold the Ìbàdàns responsible for the cessation of communication between Abẹ́òkúta and Ìṣẹ́yìn I must look to the Ìbàdàns to effect promptly by negotiation the opening of the Abẹ́òkúta-Ìṣẹ́yìn road and also the opening up of the Abẹ́òkúta-Ìbàdàn road which has been closed since 1877.

¶79 6. Draft of a Treaty in furtherance of the object I enclose. A copy has been furnished to the Ìbàdàns and to the Ẹ̀gbás. The Ìjẹ̀bús will also be supplied.

¶80 7. Such closures and raids cannot be viewed with unconcern, and from such hindrances to trade, there can only result a block to the general prosperity of the country and universal discontent.

¶81 8. At an interview I have had with your representative and those of the Ìjẹ̀bús and Ẹ̀gbás, I have advised mutual forbearance and compromise and the substitution instead of the jealous suspicion and hatred of the past, of healthy and friendly emulation and intercourse.

¶82 g. The importance of completing the Treaty now forwarded and the necessity for promptitude should be manifest to you, and I venture to urge that you open up communication without delay with Ìṣẹ́yìn, Ogbomgso, Ìwó, Ìbàdàn, and Abẹ́òkúta. The Ẹ̀gbás have been similarly advised.

¶83 10. To help you to bring about a better understanding and to secure with all the despatch I can recommend for an end so generally desired, I have taken the liberty to send you the draft Treaty which practically embodies in a formal shape all the Yorubas, Ẹ̀gbás, and Ìjẹ̀bús professed they desire.

¶84 11. In any further way I can help you pray let me know. My advice and assistance in promoting your interests and those of the country generally are at your service.

¶85 12. It remains for me to convey to you my sincere thanks for your courteous and hospitable treatment of Mr. Millson during his stay in your kingdom.

¶86 13. This letter and those addressed to the Balógun and authorities of Ìbàdàn to the Oluiwo of Ìwó and to the Aseyin are entrusted to the Ẹ̀gbá messengers who have kindly undertaken their delivery.

¶87 14. I wish you and your people every good wish, and an early restoration of friendly intercourse between Yorubas and Ẹ̀gbás.

¶88 I am, sir, your good friend, ALFRED MOLONEY, Governor and Commander-in-Chief.

¶89 Draft copy of the Treaty accompanying the above letter. Treaty of Peace, Friendship and Commerce between the Ẹ̀gbás, the Ìbàdàns, and the Ìjẹ̀bús.

¶90 Whereas the relations of the Ẹ̀gbás, the Ìbàdàns, and the Ìjẹ̀bús have in the past been frequently disturbed by misunderstandings which have only too often resulted in raids upon one another’s territory and other hostile acts.

¶91 And whereas the said peoples are desirous of living for the future in peace and amity with each other

¶92 Now therefore we, the undersigned authorities of the said peoples, having power to bind our respective peoples solemnly and sincerely promise each other and declare as follows :—

¶93 1. The Ẹ̀gbás, the Ìbàdàns, and the Ìjẹ̀bús (hereinafter called the signatories) shall henceforth wholly desist from making raids each upon the territory of either of the others.

¶94 2. The signatories will respectively within three months from these presents coming into force restore to each other or make compensation for or in respect of all captives whom they may respectively have made during any such raid as aforesaid, within the two years immediately preceding the first day of January, 1890.

¶95 3. There shall henceforth be peace, friendship and commerce between the signatories.

¶96 4. The signatories shall henceforth keep open their roads each to and for the benefit of the others.

¶97 5. In particular the Ẹ̀gbás shall keep open so far asin them lies the road from Abẹ́òkúta to Ìṣẹ́yìn by way of Eruwa, and the Ìbàdàns and the Ìjẹ̀bús shall so far as in them respectively lies keep open the road from Ìbàdàn to Ikorodu by way of Ipara and Sagamu, and the road from Ìbàdàn to Ito Ike by way of Ort and Ìjẹ̀bú Ode.

¶98 6. The last preceding article hereof shall in no way be construed as limiting the provisions of the fourth article hereof.

¶99 7. The Ẹ̀gbás and the Ìbàdàns will forthwith open the direct road between Abẹ́òkúta and Ìbàdàn which was closed in the year 1877.

¶100 8. The signatories will henceforth only levy and allow to be levied reasonable duties and tolls upon goods imported into or conveyed through their respective territories and will in no case levy or allow to be levied upon any such goods any duties and tolls amounting in the aggregate to more than double the duties and tolls to which similar goods shall be for the time being liable in the territory of either of the others of the signatories or to more than one-tenth of the value of the goods so imported or conveyed, provided that none of the signatories shall be bound to their tariffs of duties and tolls more than once in every year.

¶101 g. These presents shall come into force when executed by the Tjebus.

¶102 to. In case any question shall arise upon the construction of any of the provisions hereof or otherwise in relation hereto, or in connection herewith, such question may be referred by any of the signatories to the arbitrament of the Governor for the time being of Her Britannic Majesty’s Colony of Lagos whose decision thereon shall be binding and conclusive upon all the signatories.

¶103 In witness thereof we have hereunto set our hands and seals on the days below set opposite to our respective names and titles.

¶104 The following is from the Governor to the Ìbàdàn authorities :—

¶105 Government House, Lagos.

¶106 No. 217/115. May 10th, 1890.

¶107 GENTLEMEN,-—My Commissioner to Ìjẹ̀bú, Yoruba, and Èkìtì Mr. Millson, has returned to Lagos, and has informed me fully on the affairs of the interior. During his absence I collected important facts.

¶108 2. During his presence among you he conveyed that I have returned from England and how pained I was to find closed one of the commercial roads via Eruwa which connects this Colony with Yoruba-land and another the Remg-Ipara route raided, and confidence withdrawn therefrom in consequence.

¶109 3. I have looked carefully into the situation and find myself unable to approve of the Ìbàdàn raids upon the Eruwa-Ìṣẹ́yìn road of communication between Abẹ́òkúta and Ìṣẹ́yìn. I must look to the Ìbàdàns to effect promptly by negotiation the opening of that route as also now the opening of the Abẹ́òkúta Ìbàdàn road which has been closed since 1877.

¶110 4. In the difficulties that have arisen since I left the Colony you have an example of "cause and effect." First the owner of a house is responsible for its order. And whether Esan acted with or without your authority you are responsible: and further I find that the Ìbàdàns, Ìṣẹ́yìns, Ọ̀yọ́s and Ogbomosos shared the unfortunate captives and plunder, and should now be ready to make good the losses they inflicted.

¶111 5. The action was’a breach of the Treaty of peace, friendship and commerce existing between this colony and the Yoruba kingdom, and as it interrupted the trade, it was an unfriendly act towards this Government which has done so much for you and the country.

¶112 6. Such closures and raids cannot be viewed with unconcern, and from such hindrances to trade there can only result a block to the general prosperity of the country and universal discontent.

¶113 7. Again, Esan’s outrageous conduct was openly defiant and hostile to Ìlọrin at the very time when in your interest and in those of Yoruba generally and on your representations Her Majesty’s Government had allowed peace negotiations to be opened through Major Macdonald with that city. This is a very serious aspect of that affair.

¶114 8. At the interviews I have had with your representatives and those of Ìjẹ̀bú and Ẹ̀gbá, I have advised mutual forbearance and compromise and the substitution instead of the jealous suspicion and hatred of the past, of healthy emulation and intercourse.

¶115 9. A copy of a Draft Treaty in furtherance of objects desired In paragraph 3 of this letter I append.

¶116 The Draft Treaty has been sent to the ALÁÀFIN OF Ọ̀yọ́.

¶117 10. I have explained to the ALÁÀFIN the importance of completing this Treaty and the necessity for promptitude and I must look much to the Ìbàdàns for the success of the undertaking.

¶118 11. I now turn to another act in the interior drama. Taking up the negotiations for peace between you and the Ìlọrins where they were left by Major Macdonald I have addressed a letter to the Emir of Ìlọrin. I wish you to know this and to exhort you to avoid adding to the difficulties of the situation as between you and them:

¶119 12. In the restoration of freedom to the roads between the Ẹ̀gbás and yourselves you must in no way forget your obligations to Jebu in the past. With the Ìjẹ̀bús also, remember I desire you to continue to maintain the best relations.

¶120 13. It remains for me to convey my appreciative acknowledgment of the courtesy and hospitality you were good enough to extend to Mr. Millson during his stay in your country.

¶121 14. Finally, let me wish you and your people every good wish and the early resumption between you and the Ẹ̀gbás of friendly and commercial intercourse, and the continuance of like relations with the Ìjẹ̀bús.

¶122 I am, gentlemen, your good friend,

¶123 A. C, MOLONEY. To the Balógun and Ìbàdàn Authorities.

¶124 The tone of the Governor’s letter did not please the Ìbàdàn chiefs; they complained that it showed a want of sympathy with them in their trying position. They were struggling for existence as it were, but he was only concerned about trade with Lagos at whatever cost to others.

¶125 What they took exception to were the charges brought against them of breaking the Treaty, and of ingratitude to the Government "which has done so much for them." Whatever their character may be, they were certainly not an ungrateful people, and no one had paid more deference to the wishes of the Governor of Lagos than they had done.

¶126 A Treaty (said they) was made between them and the Èkìtìs, but none whatever with the Ẹ̀gbás, and when the Èkìtìs broke the Treaty by kidnapping their traders the Governor said nothing. They yielded to none in their desire for peace and commerce. If proofs of this were required, it might be found in the patience with which they were enduring their sufferings and trials at the hands of the Ìjẹ̀bús at that moment, with the same Ẹ̀gbás kidnapping on the route. Again the very fact of the existence of the trade by Eruwa the interruption of which was now the subject of complaint, was another proof in their favour, for although this war commenced with the Ẹ̀gbás, and no formal peace had been arranged between them, yet they (the Ìbàdàns) had hitherto allowed this trade, but certainly not to make it operate to their detriment.

¶127 That for twenty years the Ẹ̀gbás had refused to sell them ammunition, but they would sell to the Ìlọrins and utilise their territory to convey the same; would it not be folly and suicidal on their part to carry the pretence of a desire for trade so far as to allow that, at a time the Ìlọrins were laying siege against their frontier towns?

¶128 One of them remarked, "We cannot blame the Governor, the Ẹ̀gbás have gained his ears, and it depends upon how they represented matters to him. It is all the fault of the Ẹ̀gbás. They are like spoilt children who in a fit of temper will hurl a knife at you, but if you in turn flourish a whip at them they will yell out before ever they are touched."

¶129 They concluded that as they agreed with the Governor’s sentiments in the main they would only protest to the one objectionable point, viz., the trade with Ìlọrin through their territory before the establishment of peace.

¶130 The following letter was then addressed to the Governor in reply.

¶131 Ìkirun, July 16th, 1890. To His Excellency, Sir A. C. MOLONEY, K.C.M.G.

¶132 YOUR EXCELLENCY,

¶133 We were glad to receive Your Excellency’s letter on the arrival of our messengers from you and have given it deep consideration.

¶134 2. We have noticed the expression of Your Excellency’s feelings respecting the closed roads.

¶135 Our reason for cutting off communication or trade with the Ìlọrins we have given to the Acting-Governor in your absence in a letter under date November 20th, 1889.

¶136 We regret the Governor did not see with us in the reasons we have given to the Acting-Governor for kidnapping the Gambaris off Ìṣẹ́yìn, and not the Ẹ̀gbá traders, which the Ẹ̀gbás retaliated in closing of the Eruwa-Ìṣẹ́yìn road and kidnapping on the Ipara road.

¶137 However, that has passed; and now that Your Excellency is come, we feel assured that there will be nothing to fear in what you undertake to do or see carried out. We are ready for the opening of the Eruwa road to Abẹ́òkúta and of the Ìbàdàn road to Abẹ́òkúta and will see to it.

¶138 3. The appended copy of draft of a Treaty has been read to us, and we have considered it duly.

¶139 4. We are glad to learn that negotiations for peace between us and the Ìlọrins have been resumed by Your Excellency and have no inclination to add to the difficulties of it.

¶140 5. Although we agree with the letter of the Treaty in the main, yet we wish to give our protest against the Ìlọrin traders utilizing that road as long as we are at war with each other. We are here on the defensive and earnestly wish to return to our homes as soon as possible. If the Ìlọrins are allowed to utilize that road is there any possibility of their agreeing to any terms of peace and cessation of hostilities since they have free trade? Hence we feel ourselves bound to open our minds to the Governor in sending our protest until peace is made.

¶141 We have no personal ill-will against their trading with us, but there must be cessation of hostilities. "Ota die, Ore die ni ipani" ("A little enmity and a little friendship is always fatal to life"), says a Yoruba proverb.

¶142 6. We are thankful for Your Excellency reminding us of our obligation to the Ìjẹ̀bús.

¶143 Since Ogunsigun has commenced his troubles the Awùjalẹ̀ has sent to inform us, and we feel it our duty to help him in case he should be distressed, but we trust Your Excellency will do your best to avert the impending war there.

¶144 7. We have to thank Your Excellency for the kind reception of our messengers, the kind present of money sent, and of the valuable seeds sent to us. They will receive our best care and attention.

¶145 8. Wishing Your Excellency good health and prosperity, and hope before long you shall hear that the Abẹ́òkúta roads are opened.

¶146 We remain to be, Your Excellency’s faithful friends, their Marks ÀJÀYÍ x Balógun of Ìbàdàn. OsUNTOKI × The Máyè of Ìbàdàn. FIJABI × The Abese of Ìbàdàn. FAJINMI × The Agbakin of Ìbàdàn.

§5. THE ALÁÀFIN’S MEASURES FOR PEACE AND THE ISSUES

¶148 We have mentioned above that the Ìjẹ̀bú messengers were at Ọ̀yọ́ waiting the pleasure of the ALÁÀFIN for making a move towards the negotiations for peace with the Ìlọrins, in which they were to take a part. But as His Majesty would not make any move, they were obliged to return home from disappointment ; but after the invasion of Berekodo by the Dahomians, and both Ìṣẹ́yìn and Ọ̀yọ́ lay exposed to their inroads, the whole country began to murmur against their King as the author of all their troubles, by keeping the national force tied down at Ìkirun. His Majesty now saw sufficient cause to make a move. He collected messengers again from Ìbàdàn, Ìwó, Ìṣẹ́yìn and Ogbomoso and sent them on peace embassy to Ìlọrin. This he did in accordance with the wishes of the Governor, and to make a demonstration of his desire for peace ; otherwise provincial embassies are wholly unnecessary. It was an open secret that the ALÁÀFIN always had a regular correspondence with Ìlọrin all through these wars, but his private messenger Alebiosu by name, usually went by the bush paths escorted by hunters. The present effort being apparently sincere, everything seemed favourable this time, the Emir of Ìlọrin (perhaps playing the same game of duplicity as the ALÁÀFIN) received the messengers cordially, saying to the ALÁÀFIN’s messenger that his master was rather too long in making this move towards peace, and why so? For his part (said he) he quite agreed to peace-making but he would wish the messengers to go back to their master and let him ascertain assuredly from the Ìbàdàns whether they were really prepared this time to make peace, and when were they prepared to go home? Then if the answer was favourable the messengers should come again and encamp between the two armies, and let both decamp on the same day, the ALÁÀFIN’s messengers accompanying each home.

¶149 [This stipulation of the Ìbàdàns "going home" throws a doubt on his sincerity as the Ìbàdàns were there to defend Ìkirun against his forces.]

¶150 The messengers returned to Ọ̀YỌ́ on the 20th July, 1890. There was a universal rejoicing at the bright prospects of peace, the eyes of all being turned to Ọ̀yọ́ for the next move.

¶151 After some delay of over a month the ALÁÀFIN sent to tell the Ìbàdàn chiefs at Ìkirun the result of the embassy, and meanwhile addressed the following letter to the Governor of Lagos.

¶152 From the ALÁÀFIN of Ọ̀yọ́ to the Governor of Lagos.

¶153 The Palace, Ọ̀yọ́, July 23rd, 1890. To His Excellency, Sir A. C. MOLONEY, K.C.M.G.

GOVERNOR,

¶155 Your Excellency’s letters of the 19th May and 16th June have been duly received with the amount of money forwarded with the letter for which please receive my sincere thanks.

¶156 2. I hope my last of the 18th June has reached Your Excellency.

¶157 3. In that letter I told the Governor that we were about sending our messengers to Ìlọrin to negotiate peace, and promised to let him know the result.

¶158 4. I am happy to say that my messenger with messengers from Oluiwo of Ìwó, Aseyin of Ìṣẹ́yìn and the messenger of the Bále of Ogbomoso left Ọ̀yọ́ on the 25th of June, and they arrived here again on the 20th inst. I am glad to say with favourable results. Both parties have placed themselves in my hands, agreeing to decamp when I send my messengers again.

¶159 5. Considering the great interest and kind assistance Your Excellency has rendered us in this matter it would be very disrespectful and a base ingratitude on my part to send to disperse them without Your Excellency’s knowledge and approval. I therefore earnestly beg that Your Excellency lose no time in forwarding me a letter of approval so that my messengers should go in time, as both parties are eager to return to their respective homes.

¶160 My messenger is also leaving for Ìjẹ̀bú to-morrow, the 24th inst., to inform the Awùjalẹ̀ of the same as he also has great interest in the peace negotiation.

¶161 6. Iam expecting Your Excellency’s reply within a fortnight from date. I feel I ought not to make a final move without your knowledge as we have a proverb which says, "He that planteth should reap the harvest."

¶162 7. When the Ìbàdàns are returned home then the Treaty, a copy of which is affixed to Your Excellency’s letter to me of the 19th May will be enforced.

¶163 Wishing Your Excellency a good health.

¶164 I have the honour to remain, Your Excellency’s good friend, ADEYEMI X (his mark), RECEIPT. The Aláàfin of Ọ̀yọ́. Received per bearer Taniafisara the sum of £31 5s. by order of the Governor of Lagos on the 21st June, 1890. ADEYEMI X (his mark), The Aláàfin of Ọ̀yọ́.

¶165 Before the return of these messengers from Ìkirun, the Ìlọrin horse raided the Ìkirun farms and kidnapped some people. A party of horsemen raided the Ilobu farms also and were equally successful as no one expected a raid whilst peace negotiation was going on ; but a third party which raided the Ogbomoso farms were worsted, four horsemen being killed, their horses taken and the raiders dispersed.

¶166 After this the Ìlọrins sent again to the Ìbàdàn camp to negotiate peace independent of the ALÁÀFIN: the Emir of Ìlọrin went so far as to send presents to the Balógun of Ìbàdàn ; but since their last perfidy the Ìbàdàn chiefs would never trust them. Terms of peace were being arranged when a fire broke out at Ìkirun. The people took advantage of the peace negotiation which was going — on to go out far (to the Ìlá farms) for sticks and leaves for roofing, all unarmed: suddenly a party of Ìlọrin horsemen appeared but, suspecting no mischief, the Ìbàdàns allowed them to pass on Ìkirun-wards; but the horsemen later on wheeled round and captured every one of them, and among the captured were two of the Balógun of Ìbàdàn’s nephews, the sons of his late brother Akirimisa.

¶167 This put an end to the negotiation, and although the Ìlọrins sent twice afterwards to renew the negotiation, and repudiated the charge of sending a kidnapping expedition while they were negotiating peace, yet as they did not send back the captives, especially the Balógun’s nephews, they did not obtain a hearing : the second set of messengers were even forbidden to see the Balógun’s face lest they lose their heads.

¶168 Failing to negotiate with the Ìbàdàns the Ìlọrins opened communication with the Oluiwo of Ìwó, but when the Ìbàdàns heard of it, knowing it to be an intrigue they sent to put a stop to it at once.

¶169 Thus ended all negotiations with Ìlọrin.

§ 6. THE ÌlọrinS at Ilobu

¶171 We have related above that after the taking of Ọ̀fà and the desertion of several towns in the neighbourhood, including Inisa near Ìkirun, the Ìlọrins still kept to their camp at Yanayo, a full day’s journey from Ìkirun. Depending on their horses they could come all the way to give battle to the Ìbàdàns at Ìkirun, but the Ìbàdàns, without the skill or means to meet a vigorous cavalry charge, were unable to go after them in the plain in which Ọ̀fà is situated. After one or two stiff battles the Ìlọrins were convinced that they could not dislodge the Ìbàdàns by direct attack except by stratagem. They therefore left their women and the infirm at the Yanayo camp and came forward to make a new camp at a place called Toribola between Erin and Ijabe, from which they may carry on surprise attacks on the small towns between Ìkirun and Ilobu, cut off supplies, threaten the rear of Ìkirun and thus induce the Ìbàdàns to retreat from their present position. The Ìbàdàns therefore appointed Chief Akíntọ́lá to Ilobu to guard these strategic points.

¶172 A small town behind Ilobu called Ile Aro was surprised and taken by the Ìlọrins. When the news reached Akíntọ́lá at Ilobu he quickly marched out, gave chase, and intercepted them as they were returning with captives and booty. It was on this occasion that a single combat was fought between the champion lancers of the two armies which recalled similar warfare of ancient times. The two famous horsemen of both armies here met for the first time. Nasamu, nick-named "Gata-Ikoko "of whom we have heard as the captor of Enimowu at Erin, the most famous of the Ìlọrin horsemen on his famous war steed named from its colour "Arasi," here met with Latunji, surnamed "Okiti kan," of whom we have heard as the rescuer of his cousin Chief Akíntọ́lá at Ile Ifẹ̀ when entrapped in an ambuscade, on his favourite war steed named "Nasafikoré." Both of them had heard of each other’s fame and exploits on various battlefields, and had been longing to meet each other in a trial of valour. They now accosted each other, "Is that you?" "Is that you?" and then the single combat began according to their accepted rules, with spear on either side, and the hosts on both sides stood holding their breath, and watching these two chiefs of strength.. The combat lasted for some time, which shows they were equally matched; but by a skilful turn Nasamu with his spear knocked Latunji’s spear off his hand, and then went about to throw him off his horse and spear him on the ground, when Latunji hastily whipped out his revolver from his side and wounded Nasamu in the right hand, causing his spear to fall off his hand. With the left Nasamu gathered up his reins, put spurs to his horse and escaped: the Ìlọrins with one accord gave way and were hotly pursued and badly beaten, all their captives and booty being recovered.

¶173 Nasamu’s spear was picked up and carried as a trophy before Akíntọ́lá ; he returned with great triumph to Ilobu, waiting outside the gate with the spear stuck on the ground before him, the war boys drumming and dancing around it till the pursuers had all come, and so he entered Ilobu in triumph.

¶174 The victory was so decisive, the Ìlọrins lost so many in dead, wounded and captives, that they waited no longer in their new camp at Toribola, but retreated to the former camp at Yanayo.

¶175 The Ìlọrin plan, if successful at Ile Aro, was to attack Ọ̀fà-tedo and Èdè next, and thereby dislodge the Ìbàdàns from Ìkirun.

¶176 For a considerable time after this the Ìlọrins neither attacked the Ìbàdàns at Ìkirun, nor at Ilobu, but contented themselves with kidnapping expeditions in the Ogbomoso farms.

§ 7. THE CONDUCT OF THE CHIEFS AT ÌKIRUN

¶178 As it had become evident that under present conditions the Ìbàdàns and Ìlọrins were not likely to come into closer contact so that the issue might be decided one way or another, and the temper of both remained the same, the Ìbàdàn war chiefs were content to make a home of Ìkirun at least for the present, whilst the Ìlọrins made a home of their camp at Yanayo.

¶179 The Balógun of Ìbàdàn gave himself up to a reckless life of wantonness and cruelty, and the other leading chiefs were no better. Moreover the Balógun took to drinking to excess, and his slaves overran the country to an extent hitherto unknown, not even in the days of the late Are with his numerous slaves. The people were literally groaning under fines and confiscations from trumped-up charges; the Balógun appropriated whatever his slaves brought him, asking no questions as to how they came by it. Cases brought before him were never investigated before he ordered the confiscation of defendants’ houses, seizing the women and children to be shared by the three leading chiefs, himself, the Máyè and the Agbakin; these were sold to the Ìjẹ̀bús if not speedily redeemed. Knowing this to be the case, old grievances were raked up by some men who wished to take revenge upon others, and inflict unjust punishment upon them. Slaves who had redeemed themselves with wives and family were seized, their family shared by the leading chiefs and sold unless speedily redeemed.

¶180 Freemen invited to Ìbàdàn by their fathers or grandfathers were seized as slaves, but cases of this sort the other chiefs would have nothing to do with, because nearly all of them came that way to live at Ìbàdàn.

¶181 Latterly a house to be confiscated was surrounded very early in the morning before the inmates were up from their beds, but the master of the house was never caught so that he might arrange for the ransom of his household.

¶182 Bad as things were at Ìbàdàn they were worse in the provinces.

¶183 Chief Akíntọ́lá practised the same at Ilobu. Sumonu Apampa alone, to his praise be it said, was exempt from such practices, and he would not allow anyone in his quarter of the town to be accused or distressed in this way.

¶184 The Balógun was determined to enrich himself before they returned home, whenever that might be.

¶185 Such was life at Ìkirun latterly.

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