Chapter 33. The Dark Before The Dawn

§ 1. LIBERATION OF THE EGBADOS

¶2 We have related in previous chapters how the Egbados were among the most peaceful tribes and most loyal to the ALAFIN of Oyo, from the earliest times down to the period when the provinces became disorganized by the rebellion of the nobles ; and how the revolution fomented by the Fulanis spreading south involved the Egbas who in their turn conquered the Egbados at the battle of Owiwi ; and how up to 1888 they were under a succession of Egba rulers to whom they paid tribute. IJlaro the chief town was about this time under Chief Ogundeyi of Iporo Abeokuta. They were now to change masters.

¶3 The Egbados were groaning under the oppression of the Egbas on the one hand, and were much harassed by the Dahomians on the other, their masters being unable to frec them from the annual raids of the latter. They were therefore determined to place themselves under the protection of the British Government. Chief Falola of Oke Odan, who at this time appeared to be the greatest of the Egbado chiefs, went to Lagos in person and represented their case to the British Government, whereby the various branches of the Egbado tribes should come under the British protectorate. Prince Tela of Ilaro, son-in-law of Falola, was deputed by the combined Egbado chiefs to carry out the Treaty at Lagos. The British flag, however, was not hoisted at once in those places, but subsequently when to the oppression of the Egbas was added the encroachment of the French Government from Porto Novo, the flag was hoisted at once at Ilaro in 1891 and at Oke Odan.

¶4 The following towns which had suffered more or less from the Dahomians, were included in the Egbado protectorate :—

¶5 Ilaro, Oke Odan, Owd, Ijako, Isagbo, Ajilete, Isalu, Onfo, Ipokia Sahasa Ilagbe, Itakete, Isiyan, Iyakéto, Iwoyé, Idogo, Igbeji, Isoto, Itolu, Pahayi, Pokoto, Ijado, Ibese, Ilobi, Erinja, etc.

¶6 The annexation of Ilaro caused great consternation and indignation at Abeokuta; several indignation meetings were held to protest against it. They went so far as to threaten Ilaro with war if the flag was not hauled down. On an appeal to Lagos a

¶7 small force of Hausas was sent to protect the place. But the Egbas did not attempt to carry out their threat.

¶8 The Egbas at length wrote to the Governor of Lagos attesting their rights and protesting against the taking of Ilaro without their consent.

¶9 The Governor of Lagos replied to their letter of protest and scnt Mr. F. Colley Green a native subintendant of police up, who induced the Egba authorities to send with him a deputation down to Lagos. The Egbas not satisfied with the explanation of the Governor of Lagos, blockaded the land and river route to Lagos.

¶10 With the Ijebus and Egbas hostile, Lagos at this time appeared like a deserted village. Canoes were drawn up, markets were extremely poor, shop-keepers sat gazing on their goods, there being no buyers, and the streets seemed to have put on a mournful appearance. Lagos then was but a small town. But it would appear that the Egbas suffered equally with Lagos, having nowhere else to dispose of their produce. Moreover the Egba authorities had not the means of making their blockade effective either by land or by the river, the blockade only benefited certain enterprising individuals at the expense of the community; the object of it was not gained, therefore the matter ended in negotiation.

§ 2. TROUBLES AT IJEBU

¶12 Whilst the interior and the Egbados were in an unsettled condition fresh troubles broke out at Ijebu. Ogunsigun the Serikiof Ijebu Igbo, who was sent by the exiled King Afidipote to reinforce the Ifes against the Modakekes and who refused to decamp when the camps were broken up in 1886, now returned home to Igbo. Being declared an outlaw by the present Awujale for refusing to acknowledge him as his sovereign he returned at the head of an army composed of Ijebus, Ifes and Ijesas to fight and dethrone the present Awujale. The Balogun of Ijebu having been recalled home (vide p. 567) Kukt the Seriki of Ijebu Ode alone remained at Ort as an outpost and he was attacked by Ogunsigun’s army. Kukt received a gashing wound in the abdomen, the scar of which he bore to his grave; but he was well repaid for his liberality and largess to the Ibadan boys, many of whom were with him at this time. Many came down for the markets at Ort where, in the absence of the Balogun, Kuka dispensed justice to them and fair treatment against the grasping and greedy Ijebus taking undue advantage. He furnished them with arms and ammunition, and they promised to repay his kindness, and with the rifles he possessed in abundance they were able to repulse Ogunsigun and his army from Oru.

¶13 The Ijebus were for asking for re-inforcement from Ibadan to prosecute the war with Ogunsigun and crush him, but the elderly Ijebus counselled otherwise, lest the Oyos (7.e., the Ibadan boys) gained an insight into their country. The matter ended in negotiation. Ogunsigun was said to be fined 300 bags of cowries and 11 slaves. Of these slaves, the Awujale took five, the Ijebu authorities five, and one, if report be true, was executed in lieu of Ogunsigun the outlaw, and peace was restored with the Igbo division of the Ijebus.

§ 3. STRAINED RELATIONS WITH THE IBADANS

¶15 No sooner was the internecine war of the Ijebus over than they picked up a quarrel with the Ibadans. The first thing they did was to prohibit the sale of arms and ammunition to the Ibadans, because (as they alleged) they heard that the Ibadans had written to the Governor of Lagos to say that the Ijebus were snags by the way, and that the Governor should assist them to remove these snags in order that they might be able to supply the Lagos markets with produce of every description.

¶16 But the truth of the matter was because they heard that on the 22nd of August, 1890, the Ibadans rebuilt their toll-gate leading to Abeokuta with the intention of opening the Abeokuta road. But this was in accordance with the wish of the Governor of Lagos in his letter to them of the 19th May on the subject. :

¶17 The friendly relations of Kuku the Seriki of Ijebu Ode with the Ibadans at this crisis led to his expulsion from Ijebu; there was a great disaffection between the younger Ijebus and their King because he and Kuku were not pleased with their attitude towards the Ibadans. The charge against Kuku was that he was befriending the Ibadans and the white men. On his expulsion he came to reside at Ibadan and built a splendid house in Madam Efiiduiike’s compound near the Are egbe omo market.

¶18 Strict Blockade.—The Ijebus at this time were more resolved than ever to keep their position as middlemen between the interior and the Lagos traders. The Governor of Lagos on the other hand was continually receiving communications both from the ALAFIN of Oyo and from the Ibadan chiefs relative to a road to the coast independent of the Egbas and Ijebus, preferably the Remg route opened for them in the ’sixties by the late Sir John Hawley Glover, then Governor of Lagos; especially as the Remos were never in a hostile attitude towards the interior tribes even when there was war between them and the Tjebus.

¶19 The Governor of Lagos had from time to time communicated with the Awujale of Ijebu on the subject, reporting the same to

¶20 the authorities in Downing Street. It was decided at last to give an open road to the interior tribes at all cost and this was communicated to Her Majesty’s Representative at Lagos.

¶21 The Ijebu authorities, knowing the mind of the British Government, were equally determined on their part to keep their country closed to all “ foreigners ’’ to or from the interior.

¶22 The Governor of Lagos, Sir Alfred Moloney, having come to the end of his term of service on the coast, was reluctant to close his career with a war among those with whom he had been on terms of friendship since the time of Governor Glover. He therefore sent a warning to the Egbas and the Ijebus through their sons at Lagos, advising them to change their attitude towards the interior tribes ; that Her Majesty’s Government had resolved upon an open road from the interior to the coast, that his long residence among them on friendly relations made him feel reluctant to close his career with war, but that another administration would not be bound by such consideration. But this communication was not accepted in the spirit in which it was tendered, but rather in a hostile way; a strict blockade was resolved upon both by the Ijebus and the Egbas.

§ 4. DEATH OF ALIHU, THE EMIR OF ILoRIN

¶24 About the end of November, 1891, the report of the death of Alihu, the Emir of Dorin, gained ground, and spread all over the country ; the precise date of his demise was not known, probably it was in the earlier part of the month. Prince Mémé the nghtful successor, whom Karara had regarded as his nghtful sovereign, was unanimously chosen by all to the throne of Ilorin. It was said that about 20,000 horsemen and 20,000 footmen escorted him home from the camp to take possession of the throne of his fathers.

¶25 As soon as Mémé ascended the throne the scene was changed altogether. Being partly of Yoruba descent, his mother being a native of Ipapo a town near Iseyin, he was for peace with the Yorubas. Communications between him and the ALAFIN oF Oyo were open and frequent, the latter sending him some heavy presents for his coronation: the return presents from the Emir were beautiful horses richly caparisoned. He also sent a horse to the Bale of Ipapo, his mother’s town. Some of the princes of Oyo also exchanged presents with Ilorin princes.

¶26 Not long after the accession of Mémd the renowned Karara, the Hausa Balogun of Ilorin, died in the camp and was succeeded by his son Adamu who inherited not only his father’s property but also his warlike spirit and his office.

¶27 The road to Ilorin was now partially and informally open to enterprising traders. No active measures were taken any longer on either side, each remaining in his camp, Adamu only barking as a chained dog.

¶28 Madam Omosa of Ibadan, whose husband Enimowu had been captured since 1887, and who had been spending largely for his release but all in vain, now sent again to the ALAFIN praying His Majesty to renew his efforts on her behalf at the present favourable turn of affairs. Success attended their efforts this time, and not only Enimowu but also Malade and the two nephews of the Balogun of Ibadan were released, Winkunle, Tubosun’s son, having died in captivity at Ilorin. The released arrived at Oyo on the and of June, 1892, and after paying their respects to the ALAFIN rejoined the war chiefs at Ikirun.

§5. IjJEBU EXCESSES AND INFATUATION BETWEEN THE YEARS 1884 AND 1892

¶30 As middlemen, between Lagos and the interior of Yoruba, the Ijebus enjoyed great advantages which were as greatly abused. Ibadan especially was at their mercy for:supplying them with arms and ammunition, in which Ijebus themselves profited enormously ; and on this account they held themselves practically as their masters, knowing that the Ibadans depended upon them in order to be able to defend their frontiers against the Ilorins, and must perforce submit to any affront offered them.

¶31 An Ijebu, whatever his social standing—-only because he is an Ijebu—considers himself superior to any Oyo man. The following will suffice for an illustration :—

¶32 The son of the Balogun, of Ijebu once said in conversation with the writer: ‘‘ Afi Oyinbo. afi Ijebu, dede aiye dede eru ni won. Ko si oja ti a ita Oyinbo, ko si oja ti a ita Tjebu”’ (7.e., ‘“ Except the white man and the Ijebus the whole world besides are slaves : _ there is no market in which a white man may be sold and none

¶33 where Ijebus may be sold.”’) Can conceit go any further ?

¶34 An educated African, an Oyo by birth, resident at Lagos, had occasion to reside at Ijebu for some time, where he made some friends. On one occasion he was about-to pay a flying visit to the interior and one of his young Jjebu friends, trying to dissuade him from going, said to him: ‘‘ Are you going Ibadan way? Mark you there are no Ijebus there for you to associate with, they are all Oyos there!’”’ This innocent effort at persuasion but provoked a smile, but it showed what the Ijebus thought of themselves.

¶35 As the only market for trade at this time, thousands of Oyos

¶37 came down once a month from the eastern and western provinces, assembled at Ibadan, and proceeded under escort to Ijebu, for salt especially and other necessaries. The market was held at Ord, an Ijebu frontier town. The treatment they generally received at the hands of the Ijebus beggars description, and can hardly be credited at this distance of time and change of circumstances. For a load of produce worth thirty shillings an Ijebu once offered a bag of something tied up. ‘‘ And what is in your bag?” asked the Oyo man. The Ijebu replied, ‘“‘ A jo d’ale”’ (‘‘ Something to make one dance till eventide’’). As he was about to examine the contents of the bag offered him in lieu of his produce, the Ijebu went away with the produce, and the unhappy man found nothing but snail-shells left in lieu of his merchandise, and redress could not be obtained !

¶38 Another offering a bag of something for a load of produce was similarly asked what the contents were, and replied, ‘‘ Ki eiye luwe,”’ a newly-coined word—To make birds swim. As their dialects differed the seller would look at the contents of the bag offered him to know what went by that name, and the Ijebu immediately went off with the produce. . The contents were wooden emblems of Sango! No redress. The Ijebu insisted that once the man had taken the bag, he had accepted his offer !

¶39 If an Oyo man or woman was selling his wares for 7s. 6d. and the Ijebu offered 5s. the former dared not refuse. If he attempted to take back his merchandise from the intending purchaser, there was sure to be a scuffle in which the seller would be overpowered by other Ijebus coming to the aid of the buyer, some beating him, others pricking him with their hairpins and so forth.

¶40 The caravan route at that time was notoriously unsafe from brigands and Egba kidnappers; any Oyo carrier for an Ijebu who suffered any losses of his package in part or in whole was made to pay double the price or become the slave of the Ijebu. Accidents from slippery paths, highway robbers, thorns and thickets of the bush paths were of frequent occurrence ; whatever the losses an Oyo carrier for an Ijebu might suffer from any of these causes, must be made good at double the price by the carrier and members of his compound or he was claimed as slave by the Ijebu.

¶41 The action of Ijebu men towards Oyo maidens need not be referred to: rapes and seizures for trumped-up charges were of revolting frequency. A shocking instance occurred of an Ijebu who alleged he had contracted venereal disease from a woman he had ravished, and thereupon claimed heavy damages from her husband !

¶42 Whatever the price the Ijebus are pleased to offer for any article,

¶43 the Oyo man is obliged to accept as it may end in a total loss of his merchandise and what was offered.

¶44 As to flogging at the toll gates—that was so common and indiscriminate that Ijebu youths were frequently found to come up to the gates on market days with whips, ready to find exercise for their arms with or without any cause. .

¶45 The only court to which appeal lay was to the Balogun Nofowokan when he was stationed at Oru, and latterly to Chief Kuku. About a dozen applicants would be found before him at once; hundreds had no chance to approach him before the return of the caravan was due.

¶46 The sufferings of these people impressed these chiefs who were dealing out justice to them, and hence they were charged with befriending Oyos. This is but a poor description of the kind of treatment Oyo; had at the hands of the Ijebus during this period.

¶47 Deference and respect to age and station is a marked characteristic of Yorubas everywhere ; but at this period an Ijebu man even On Oyo soil would pay no respect to any chief or elderly person. Their indignities and impertinences had to be borne.

¶48 There were not wanting venturesome and enterprising persons who would risk the way down the coast with an Ijebu friend ; several of these were discovered between Ijebu Ode and the coast, and were sold into hopeless slavery.

¶49 Chief Kukui the Seriki of Ijebu Ode had done much for the Oyo war chiefs and for his own pocket, by selling them rifles and cartridges at very high prices. Scores of Oyo beauties of whatever town they may be, wereseized by him for debts alleged to be owing him by an Oyo, it might be by a man of another town unknown to her, as long as the maiden seized was an Oyo by birth as the supposed debtor was ! Once in his harem he would never consent to their parents coming to redeem them! This example was followed by several other well-to-do traders.

¶50 These are the causes that led the Ibadan chiefs in their letters to the Governor of Lagos, as mentioned above, to ask for a road to the coast which should not be disturbed and preferably the Remo route.

¶51 Added to all this was the unsafety of the road from Egba kidnappers. The caravans had to be protected by armed escorts every month as they trooped down and back. The first station was Opo-ONa-NLA in the Ibadan farms. Here Adio the head priest of the Sango worshippers, was stationed with some elderly warriors. Next at ONIPE. Here was the camp named Budo-Ode (hunters’ camp). Here were stationed the hunters and reserved forces. Next at OLowa. Here lay the main body of the army,

¶52 ‘“Tya Ogun ”’ as it was called. Here such brave men like Solaja and Bada Agidi were posted. Further on at ALABATA and at MAMu were the advanced forces consisting of men from the Ibadan town districts of Oja Igbo, Ofa, and Oje.

¶53 There were frequent brushes with the Egbas at one point or another, but the most serious engagement in this route occurred in November, 1884, when the Egbas came with a large army and attacked the caravans at ALABATA, overwhelming the guards and sweeping away a large number of traders. The report soon reached Olowa and a strong body of men pursued after and overtook them. A sanguinary engagement took place in which the leaders Solaja and Bada Agidi signalized themselves. The Egbas weie defeated with heavy losses. They rescued many of those captured, and captured also many of the Egbas. Among the captured were several Christians who formed the rifle corps of Abeokuta, with Moses Sasegbon, the Seriki of the Christians, their captain. Luckily for himhe fellintofriendlyhands. He wascaught by one of the boys of his old friend Solaja, whoseeing him bleeding from wounds he had received, peremptorily ordered his captor to go for some water for the captive lest he lose him altogether. With a wink he then-indicated to Sasegbon a way of escape, and then turned his back on him, pretending not to see him as he slipped into the bush and escaped. He reached home on the 19th of November, 1884, a wiser man, never more to engage in any kidnapping expedition. He was for months on a sick bed from his wounds.

¶54 Moses Sasegbon was well known at Ibadan, especially at the Ijebu quarters in the early seventies. He spent a long time there ; he had a factory with several hands ginning cotton till the war broke out in 1877. He was one of the sufferers when Egba properties and slaves were confiscated at the beginning of the war. This was the second time he had a brush with the Ibadans. Inanaffray the Egbas had with Ogboriefon the Balogun of Ibadan in the Ogun district he took an active part. When the Egbas were routed he was three days in the bush ere he could find his way home to Abeokuta.

¶55 When the Commissioners went up in 1886 to disperse the camps at Kiriji they met the Ibadan warriors as. above described.

§ 6. CAUSES THAT LED TO THE IJJEBU WAR

(2) AFFRONT TO THE ACTING GOVERNOR

¶58 Governor Moloney was not a man of action. It was said that he was too fond of writing letters to and drafting treaties for men who hardly appreciated the one or comprehended the other or knew the force or value of their marks of signature.

¶59 During his five years of administration he neve: once visited the people and the scene of which he writes so much: a single visit from him would have cleared up many difficulties in his way and enabled him to understand much, and he would have acted more to the purpose. No wonder then that matters remained in statu quo.

¶60 After his departure the Colonial Secretary, Capt. George Chardin Denton, now Acting Governor, in pursuance of the peaceful policy of the Governor proposed to visit the Awujale of Ijebu, talk matters over with him ina friendly way, and point out the advantages that would accrue to the Ijebu nation by a free intercourse throughout the country under the auspices of Her Majesty’s Government. of Lagos. He received permission from Downing Street to carry out his object.

¶61 Having communicated his intentions to the Awujale and obtained his assent, the Acting Governor started for Ijebu Ode accompanied by Oliver Smith, Queen’s Advocate, Thomas Welsh, Esq., a member of the Legislative Council, and a mercantile representative, Dr. J. W. Rowland, the Colonial Surgeon, Capt. A. F. Tarbet and Mr. F. Colley-Green of the Hausa force, Mr. Jacob Alesinloye, an Ijebu merchant resident at Lagos, and Mr. A. L. Hethersett, Government Interpreter, with a guard of honour including the Hausa band to give eclat to the occasion. He took with him also large presents for the Awujale and his chiefs.

¶62 The Ijebus hearing of the Governor’s approach sent to stop him at the landing at Ito Ike; he was wilfully misrepresented as coming with hostile intentions. The Governor, however, sent to remind the Awujale that the visit had been agreed upon between them, and that it had received the sanction of Her Majesty’s Government, and the travelling expenses granted: what explanaation was he now to give for not being able toreach him? He was quite ready to disperise with his guard of honour and visit Ijebu with his attendants only if they conceived any fears and apprehensions.

¶63 It was not without much trouble and annoyance that the Governor’s messengers with the above errand could reach Ijebu Ode being stopped repeatedly by the way. On reaching the town none of the Ijebu Authorities would lodge them ; they were sent from one chief to another till at length they had to return to the towngate to await the morrow. They managed to get audience of the king the riext day and they returned with a message approving of the Governor’s visiting Ijebu Ode but not with a military escort.

¶64 The Governor, who was all the time in the Colonial steamer, the Margaret, now proceeded, to Ijebu Ode with his civil attendants

¶65 only. At Ode they were kept under strict surveillance, none of the party being allowed to leave the compound. They had audience of the Awujale on the fourth day of their arrival when the Governor impressed upon them the determination of the British Government that the interior peoples should have free access to the coast like themselves. The Governor reasoned with the Ijebu authorities, showing them the advantages of opening up the country for trade, and that the result would be a general increase in trade which would bring more money into the country and that the Ijebus themselves would enjoy a large share of the same.

¶66 He also promised them that the Lagos Government would pay to them a sum equivalent to what they were receiving in tolls.

¶67 The Ijebu chiefs received the Governor’s words with displeasure and with every sign of anger against him and against their own king, putting the blame of the Governor coming up to “‘ dictate” to them (as they call it) upon the Awujale who granted him the permission to come. They would listen to nothing else but that the interior Yorubas should meet them at Ort for trade, and that the white man’s. people (7.e., Lagos traders) meet the Ijebus at Ejirin.

¶68 The Governor proceeded to give the presents he brought for them. The king accepted his own, but the chiefs unceremoniously refused theirs. This of course the Governor considered an insult, and he therefore told then: he would return what had been given him. As they made no objection to this he returned their presents of sheep and cowries he had received, and left Ijebu Ode the next morning. Thus the Lagos Government received an unceremonious rebuff in the person of its Chief of the Executive.

¶69 The Home Government being informed of the attitude of the Tjebus and their action towards the Acting-Governor, the Secretary of State for the Colonies, after consulting with the late Governor, Sir Alfred Moloney, resolved upon coercive measures, and hence gave full power to the new Governor to deal with the Ijebus.

§ 7. CAUSES THAT LED TO THE IJEBU WAR

(6) TREATY MADE AND BROKEN

¶72 On the arrival of Governor GILBERT THOMAS CARTER in the latter part of 1891, communication was re-opened with the Ijebus. Special messengers were sent down to greet the new Governor. He received them in state in the presence of the principal Government officials and heads of departments, members of councils, and principal merchants.

¶73 The first thing the Governor required of them was to apologise for their conduct to Acting Governor Denton. This they had to do. Then they were required to sign a treaty, which among other provisions, abolished human sacrifices and enjoined the free opening of the road through their country between Lagos and the interior for all, the Governor of Lagos stipulating to pay the Awujale £500 annually in lieu of tolls hitherto received from caravans. The delegates objected and required authority from home to sign a treaty. They were detained at Lagos until they received authority to do so or, if needs be, men capable of signing the treaty should be sent down. This was duly effected.

¶74 After this, there was a small measure of freedom to and from the interior for a few months, to enlightened people who knew of the treaty, but caravans were still not allowed a foot beyond Oru. But the Ijebus were incensed with their king and were determined on a revolution. They showed their resentment in moving the Awujale to several intolerant acts. They picked up a quarrel with the Ibadans, threatened to stop all arms and ammunition if Kukt was not expelled out of Ibadan. Kukt was accordingly expelled, and his fine house at Ibadan was demolished by the Ijebus there. Kukut returned to Ijebu, but was obliged to take refuge at Ijebu Ife which to all Ijebus is a city of refuge, by which he escaped death. Kukt remained there till after the taking of Ijebu in May, 1892.

¶75 Next the Awujale also raked up a quarrel against Solaja that intrepid Ijebu horseman at Ibadan. A beautiful cushion he had presented to the king’ a few years before was sent back: that meant heavy fines which had to be paid or he would demand his life. Solaja certainly was not expected to keep the returned article which had been in the possession of his king. Along with this, frivolous charges were brought against the Rev. D. Olubi, the C.M.S. agent at Ibadan, by the Awujale.

¶76 (x1) That one of his sons took up some corrugated iron sheets for the C.M.S. house at Ibadan through Ijebu when they had forbidden all intercourse with white men.

¶77 (2) That he was instrumental in bringing Europeans up country. He sent to the Ibadans that he should be expelled the town. The Ibadan chiefs were reluctant to do so as they had no fault to find with him since he had been amongst them over 40 years. Mr. Olubi hearing this sent Mr. W. S. Allen a colleague to ascertain what the real cause of offence was, and that he was to pass on to Lagos and to procure some presents to appease him. This was done and the C.M.S. granted £5 for the presents in the interest of their interior agents, that route being the only one available to

¶78 the interior at present. The presents were accepted but unfortunately they seemed but to serve to whet the appetite of the Ijebu king for more.

¶79 The Awujale next sent to demand his head, and that of the white man (the Rev. T. Harding) at Ibadan. Mr. Olubi then opened negotiation for his life with the Awujale. He demanded more presents, and the reverend gentleman sent 12 sheep by Mr. (now Rev.) F. L. Akiyele, a C.M.S. Catechist under him. These were accepted but the ban was not removed, only matters were quiet for some time.

¶80 After a while, the Awujale sent to the Ibadan war chiefs threatening to stop trade, with all arms and ammunition if his orders were not carried out. The Ibadans commissioned one Fade, an Ijebu long resident at Ibadan to negotiate with him, and point out the unfairness of this order against one who came amongst them as a youth, grew to manhood, married and begat children and not once offending against their laws. On Fade’s return he reported that the Awujale was inexorable that he demanded not the head of Mr. Olubi alone but also that of the European Mr. Harding, and that the houses and property of all the Christians should be confiscated and that 200 young men and women should be sent to appease his wrath.

¶81 The war chiefs saw no alternative but to yield to this extraordinary demand. A deputation of Christians was sent to the camp to remonstrate with the war chiefs but all in vain. They said “‘ rather sacrifice the head of one man than risk the safety of the whole country.”’ The home authorities sent back to the camp to ask whether the order was really meant to be carried out. A peremptory message was sent back to say if the order was not carried out the heads of the home authorities themselves should be taken off !

¶82 The messengers with this order arrived at Ibadan on Saturday the 21st May and the home authorities felt extremely reluctant to carry it out. Action was postponed till after the assembling of the town council on Monday and the matter discussed afresh. But on the Sunday, the sound of cannon was said to be heard at a distance, a conflagration was descried as that of the burning of a town. Towards the afternoon the rumour grew stronger and stronger that the phenomenon descried was at Ijebu, and at last the rumour was confirmed that Ijebu was taken by the British forces from Lagos ! The Home authorities withheld their hand on the Monday and reported matters to the camp. The war chiefs were so alarmed that they sent special messengers from Ikirun to ask pardon of Revs. Olubi and Harding and

¶83 expressed their regret that they ever yielded so as to issue such an order against the lives of men with whom they had hitherto lived in the closest bond of fellowship from childhood. In this there is no doubt that we can see the interposition of divine Providence.

¶84 The treaty signed by the Ijebu plenipotentiaries was accepted with bad grace by the young Ijebus at home who kept goading the king to such intolerant acts as the one related above. To see people passing up and down through their country was galling to them. A treaty so badly received evidently could not last long. It was soon broken. Now and then it became known at Lagos that individuals going up or coming down were sent back. The caravans were not allowed to proceed to the Ejirin markets. The Rey. T. E. Williams a Wesleyan minister who had gone to Lagos for the annual Synod of that denomination returning to his post was driven back to Lagos. That the Ijebus never meant to observe the spirit or letter of the treaty was evident from the events related above towards Revs. Olubi and Harding, the while unknown at Lagos.

¶85 What stirred their hostility most deeply was said to be the action of a foreign missionary going up country, who was received with hostile demonstrations by the Ijebus. Whilst waiting to.pay his call on the Awujale, a crowd assembled and he, it was said, was going to preach to them against their wish: they would hear nothing from him ; on his persisting this inflamed them and both he and his party were literally driven back to Lagos. This matter was duly reported to the Governor. An ultimatum was sent to the Ijebus which they ignoied. The Egbas especially since the Ilaro affair were in sympathy with them, and both began to prepare for the fight. The Governor of Lagos sent a letter to the Egba Government by the Inspector of police, Mr. Adolphus Pratt, which they refused to receive and ordered the bearer to leave the town before sunset that very day with his letter. A council was held the same day at Abeokuta and it was known that emissaries of the Ijebus were in the town to take part init. It was reported that the Egbas offered their services to the Ijebus, but that the Ijebus averred they could hold their own, and that if they could not drive back the white man in three months, then the Egbas may come to their aid. Meanwhile the Egbas strictly enforced the blockade of both land and river routes to Lagos. War was now declared against the Ijebus.

§ 8. THE IJEBU CAMPAIGN

¶87 The officers and men who took part in the Ijebu campaign were :

¶88 Colonel Francis C. Scott, C.B. Inspector-General of the Gold Coast Forces, the Commander of the Expedition.

¶89 Officers from England, 20. 4. 92: Capt. The Hon. A. S. Hardinge, Ist Battalion Scots Fusiliers. Capt. E. R. Owen, 1st Batt. Lancashire Fusiliers. Capt. A. V. Ussher, rst Batt. Scottish Rifles. Capt. R. L. Bower, 7th Batt. King’s Royal Rifles. Capt. J. R. V. Gordon, 15th Hussars. Lieut. C. E. Laurie, Royal Artillery. Lieut. J. F. Davies, st Batt. Grenadier Guards.

¶90 From the Gold Coast, 20. 4. 92. Capt. F. M. Bayley, Asst.-Inspector, Gold Coast Colony. Capt. H. D. Larymore, Asst.-Inspector, Gold Coast Colony. Native Officer Ali, Gold Coast Colony. Native Officer Akero, Gold Coast Colony. Mr. Henry Plange, Quartermaster (Acting), Gold Coast Colony. 2 Sergt.-Majors, 4 Sergts., 146 N.C.O.’s and men Hausas.

¶91 From Sierra Leone, 9. 5. 92. Major G. C. Madden. Lieut. C. V. R. Wright. Lieut. E. L. Cowrie. Surgeon Capt. R. Croft. 99 N.C.O.s and men, 2nd Batt., W.I. Regiment. Lagos Hausas. Capt. A. F. Tarbet, Asst.-Inspector, Lagos Constabulary. Capt.G. B. Haddon-Smith, Asst.-Inspector, Lagos Constabulary. Capt. R. E. D. Campbell, Asst.-Inspector, Lagos Constabulary. Sergt.-Majors Dangana and Dankafi. Asst.-Supdts. F. Colley-Green, A. Claud Willoughby. Pay and Quartermaster W. R. Harding. 158 men, rank and file. With roo Ibadan Irregulars under their own Captain Toyan.

¶92 The expedition left Lagos on the 13th of May, 1892, and arrived at Epe early on the r4th.

¶93 The Ijebus had expected the expedition to come by Ito Ike, the shortest route to the capital, and had therefore spread their army ready at the Eluju grassfields not far from the town of Ibefun. Previously, they had offered in sacrifice a man and a woman, goats, fowls and pigeons at Ito Ike, and charms of imprecation for which they were famous were uttered over the creek that the vessels might founder and the expedition might end in failure. But they

¶94 heard to their surprise that the transports had proceeded to Epe and the troops landed there! They hastily broke up the camp and proceeded to the Epe road. Of the three routes generally taken, Ito Ike, Ejirin, and Epe, the last is the longest but the best. It has the best and easiest landing, and a village of sonie considerable size to be used as the base, one-half of the population of which consists of Lagos people. The way to the capital from here was mostly through farms. The other routes had no such advantages, they were for the greater part through bush paths: that through Ejirin especially at that time of the year was worse, the road for the most part v-shaped paths. The forward march from Epe after every preparation had been made was on the 16th May. Arriving at Pobo after a short march, an Ijebu ambuscade opened fire about 10.30 a.m., and a smart brush took place, the Ijebus hastily retreating. The village and hamlets surrounding were immediately burnt down. In this engagement one of the Ibadan Irregulars was wounded and died from the wound at Ijebu Ode a few days after. Leaving Pobo on the 17th a larger force was encountered at Erebo ; here the Ijebus made a furious attack but were repulsed with heavy losses, and here fell A. Claud Willoughby of the Lagos force, venturing too far in pursuit. The engagement lasted from 8 a.m. till rr a.m., when the village of Majoda was taken.

¶95 No traces of the Ijebus were found on the 18th except the deserted camp. On the morning of the roth the order of march was—the Ibadan Irregulars first under their captain Toyan, then the Lagos Hausas led by Capt. Bower, then the W. I. Regiment under their Major, the Gold Coast Hausas bringing up the rear under Capts. Campbell, and Haddon Smith of the English Militia Force.

¶96 The report of the day’s event given by an officer who took an active part in the fight was as follows :—

¶97 ‘‘ As we marched along a few men from the hills at the left fired at us, but soon ran away; probably this was intended as

¶98 a signal to the main force. We continued our march and all

¶99 of a sudden, the Ibadan Irregulars halted, and began drumming

¶100 and fixing on their war charms ; Capt. Bower ordered them to move on, but their Captain replied, ‘ The Ijebus are near, we have smelt them.’ They had not advanced twenty paces when at a bend in the road the Ijebus opened fire at us. Here their main army was concentrated. They chose their spot well.

¶101 The River Yemoji flowed across the path at this time overflowing

¶102 its banks breast deep for the tallest man. The river flowed

¶103 through marshes except at the ford through which we must pass and this the Ijebus rendered dangerous by snags thrown

¶104 into it. As they opened fire the Ibadans were first at them, then Capt. Bower rushed forward with the Lagos Hausas, and the engagement began. It lasted full three hours. The Ijebus retreated to the other bank and raised a shout, as much as to say, ‘ We will see how you will cross,’ but the Maxim gun soon cleared the opposite bank. The Lagos Hausas were ordered forward into the river, but they wavered and hesitated. Ina moment: the Colonel thundered out, ‘2nd West, advance !’ The West Indian Regiment at once rushed into the stream, stumbling on the snags but kept going at the enemy, the Colonel himself amid stream giving his orders. The Hausas now came rushing in whilst Capt. Owen with the 7-pounder fired over their heads and quite cleared the landing for our men. Inspector F. C. Green shouldered the 7-pounder across the stream, shells and shrapnel doing their deadly work. At the night bank of the river Capt. Owen was wounded in the head and leg. The Tjebus fled in confusion. Their camp was at the village of Magbon but they never stayed to defend it. Rockets were fired into the forest and thick bush surrounding the place, and thousands of Ijebus hidden therein were dislodged and fled away in terror. The Ibadan Irregulars seeing the rockets for the first time with their horrid noises and streaming fiery tails, bursting into the forest, dislodging ambuscades and others concealing themselves, fancied the whole forest on fire, they thereupon shouted and acclaimed Colonel Scott, “Adana sun igbo "1 (one who set the forest on fire). The village of Magbon was occupied that afternoon and there the expedition passed the night.”

¶105 He went on to say :—

¶106 “Next morning, thinking the Ijebus would make their last stand to defend the capital at all cost, the Colonel arranged his troops accordingly with every precaution. The Imperial troops being more steady led the way under Capt. Bower to his great delight. From Magbon right on to Ijebu Ode the capital was one broad path, the bush on either side the road was trodden down, and articles strewn about the whole way. The Ijebus after their defeat at Magbon thought they were being pursued, so they fled precipitately home. The town was entered on the 2oth of May.

¶107 “On reaching Ijebu Ode we found that the town had been deserted, the poor old King was left with only two or three men, and a few of the chiefs trembling. He came forward to

¶108 1 That is the origin of the word, now commonly applied at Lagos to all raw up-countrymen as the irregulars then were. y

¶109 Col. Scott and said he thanked him for teaching a sharp lesson

¶110 to those disobedient young fellows whom he had warned, and

¶111 warned in vain, not to venture to fight the white man. The

¶112 Colonel replied, ‘I see you cannot manage your disobedient

¶113 boys, so I have come to help you to do so.’ The King was

¶114 kept as a State prisoner in his own house, and only allowed to take a stroll about in the evenings with orderlies behind him.

¶115 He felt himself safer with the conquerors than with his own

¶116 refractory subjects.

¶117 “Less than an hour after we entered the town, we saw an old man staggering on towards us, saying, ‘I want my skin; he has taken my skin; I want it.’ It was the aged Balogun Nofowokan. The Hausas looting, one of them entered the Balogun’s house and saw him sitting on a large leopard skin ; he drove him off from it and took the skin, and this he came to the Colonel about. Enquiry was made, his skin was restored to him, and a strict order was given that the old man was not to be molested.”

¶118 The Governor of Lagos went upimmediately after. The Queen’s birthday was celebrated on the 24th with imposing military ceremonies. Chief Kuki came from his place of exile and welcomed the Governor.

¶119 It appeared that the Governor had written to the Ibadans to attack the Ijebus on the north at the same time that the troops from Lagos attacked them on the south. Nothing was seen of the Ibadans, and the Governor was inclined to doubt their good faith ; but when Ijebu was taken, a large batch of letters was found in the King’s quarters, letters that had been sent some up country and some to Lagos, the bearers of which had disappeared ; among them was found the Governor’s letter to the Ibadans. The bearer had been made away with by the Ijebus !_ The postal work of distributing these letters to their respective owners was the first duty of civilization performed at Ijebu.

¶120 The expedition left Ijebu Ode on the 30th May, leaving Capt. Campbell as head of the district and Capt. Bower with 100 Hausas to keep order. The Ipebi or the king’s private residence was converted into a fort and there all were quartered, the king occupying a separate quarter within the compound. The disused royal palace at Iporogun, and the famous Ogboni house wherein were several men kept in stocks and tortured, were levelled with the ground, the victims being released. The king was allowed £200 a year and Chief Kuku {100 p.a. to assist the king in the management of purely native affairs, and the aged Balogun {£50 p.a. out of regard to his age and position.

§9. EFFECTS OF THE CAMPAIGN

¶122 The taking of Ijebu Ode sent a shock of surprise and alarm throughout the whole land. The people felt instinctively that a new era was about to dawn onthem. A new and foreign power had entered into the arena of active politics in the country, and everyone was exercised in mind as to how the country would be affected by it. Combatants suspended hostilities and all of them together turned their faces coastwards.

¶123 At the Seat of War.—The belligerents felt that their operations must soon come to an end, engagements therefore ceased.

¶124 In the Country at Large.—To the vast majority of the common people it was like the opening of a prison door: and no one who witnessed the patient, long-suffering, and toiling mass of humanity that week by week streamed to and from the coast with their produce, their manufactures and other articles of trade and returned with their purchases, could refrain from heaving a sigh of gratification on the magnitude of the beneficial results of the short and sharp conflict.

¶125 The first night in which, after the fall of Ijebu Ode, the troop of the first set of caravans slept at the Kanakana toll gate beyond Aka, large fires were lighted, and all the men and women sitting round, spent the hours in recounting their sufferings and losses for years, in this very place, and the great change that has taken place. They continued thus far into the night, and occasionally raised loud huzzahs for the merciful deliverance, and the prospect of freedom of trade, and the discharge of their debts which the long period of 16 years’ war had imposed upon every individual in the interior countries, giving thanks to God and invoking blessings on the head of the good Queen of England.

¶126 They brought cloths of native manufacture, cotton, indigo, palm oil, palm kernels, beads, cattle, poultry, yam flour, pots and plates of native manufacture, calabashes in large quantities, turkeys and pigeons, rubber, etc., etc., and took back mostly salt, cloths and other articles of European manufacture, trade rum, gin, matchets, etc., etc.

¶127 On the Ijebus.—Even among the Ijebus themselves, very few if any outside the high officials of the capital who had hitherto maintained the iron system of inexorable exclusiveness and rigour suffered much from the change: the Ijebus were exclusively traders and they benefited by the increased trade. But the escape of slaves which was inevitable was their greatest cry. Slavery as an institution, however, was doomed to disappear.

¶128 The door was open to the preaching of the gospel. There was

¶129 already a small congregation of Christians, the work of Ijebu citizens who had been converted at Lagos and Abeokuta, and who had learnt to read the Scriptures in their own tongue. These, who hitherto dared not show their faces or profess their religion openly were now released from fear, and when a few months later delegates from Lagos were sent formally to introduce Christianity amongst them—in an assembly of the King and his chiefs—these Christians came in a body, and in a humble but fervent address assured the King and chiefs of their loyalty and patriotic devotion, that the religion they professed enjoined both, and that they would never be found wanting in every duty appertaining to loyal citizens.

¶130 Permission was then given for the teaching of Christianity publicly, and grants of land were made for churches, schools, and mission stations.

¶131 On the Egbas.—It was generally known that a large section of the Egbas was disposed to render the Ijebus assistance, but as the community of Abeokuta included a large number of intelligent citizens mostly Christians, who knew the magnitude of the power they had to deal with, their hands were held back by them. But there is no doubt that if the Ijebus had succeeded in repelling the invasion even but temporarily, there would not be wanting a large force of Egbas which would have volunteered to lend their aid and might even attack Ilaro.

¶132 As it was, a few months after this event, when it appeared probable that Abeokuta might also come in for a share of attention from the Lagos Government, a diplomatic move was made by the chiefs through one of their intelligent citizens, and overtures were made to the Lagos Government, accompanied by carefully-worded apologies for their late actions, especially towards the messenger of the Government whom they drove away without even accepting the letter he brought. He apologized for the Egbas in these terms. The letter was addressed “‘To the Chief of Abeokuta.” Now there was no one to lay claim to that title. The Alake was but a figurehead and had no authority. Ogundeyi of Iparo, Onlado of Kunta and the Jaguna of Igbein, who together managed the affairs of the town, were co-partners, so that not one of the three could by himself lay claim to that title, and the Ogbonis whose voices are supreme in important political crises could not claim the title either. And again, for aught they could tell the letter may have contained certain orders they were not in a position to carry out. It was better therefore that they did not know the contents thereof, than to know and not be able to carry them out. Consequently their action in not accepting the letter was dictated by the high esteem they had for the British Government.

¶133 And that the messenger might not linger when he was unable to fulfil the object of his mission—for the letter might have contained urgent matters—they therefore respectfully asked him not to stay or loiter, but to proceed to Lagos at once.

¶134 Such was the tenor of the apologies they made, and thus they endeavoured to explain away what was a gross insult to be but a cautious deference. Their explanation was accepted, and the result was a free and uninterrupted opening of the roads by land as well as by the river.

¶135 On Lagos.—An abundant supply of produce, a large and steadily increasing volume of trade was the result, not unaccompanied by some disappointment due entirely to over-exaggerated hopes and keen competition, and glutting of the markets. But as the old condition of things was for ever gone, men soon adapted themselves to the new.