Chapter 8. The Consequences Of The Revolution In The South

§x. THE Owu War

¶2 THE kingdom being now in a disorganized condition each tribal unit constituted itself an independent state. The Ifes in the east, and the Ijebus in the south formed an alliance against the Owus to the south-west of the former and north-west of the latter.

¶3 The Owus (although now domiciled with the Egbas) are a family quite distinct from Egbas or Oyos. Hardihood, stubbornness, immorality, and haughtiness are marked traits in their chara¢ter, so much so that it has passed into a proverb “‘ A bi omo 1’Owu, o ni ako tabi abo ni, ewo ni yio se omg nibe? ”’ (a child is born at Owu, and you ask male or female: which will be a proper child ?) Either sex when roused by passion would sooner die than not take dire revenge. Their manners were totally different from those of the Oyos, but from the days of Sango they have been very loyal to the ALAFIN of Oyo.

¶4 As warriors, the Owus were hardy, brave, and courageous, they had no guns, their weapons consisting of the Agedengbe (a long heavy cutlass) with bows and arrows. Coming to close quarters with cutlass in hand was the mode of fighting characteristic of these brave people.

¶5 The cause of the war between these three families was this :— We have already stated above that during the reign of King ABIODUN, express orders were sent from Oyo to the Owoni of Ife, and the Olowu to prevent Oyos being kidnapped and sold at Apomu, the great market town where the interior and the coast people met for trade. Now, since the commencement of the revolution, and the disorganized state of the kingdom, the practice was revived. The rebellion has rendered the Central Authority powerless, but there were still some men of considerable power and influence in the land, such as Adegun the Onikoyi who was the premier provincial king, Toyeje the Bale of Ogbomoso the Kakanfo, and Edun of Gbogun.

¶6 A message similar to that sent by King ABIODUN was now sent by the Onikoyi and the Kakanfo conjointly to the Olowu, and he in carrying out his orders had to chastise several towns ; hence

¶7 Ikoyi Igbo, Apomu, Ikire, Iran, Ile Olupomi, Itahakun, Iseyin Odd, Iwata, Akinboto, Gbangan, Isope, Iward, and Jagun, were destroyed by war, all in Ife territory.

¶8 The Owéni of Ife was highly incensed at this and declared war against Owu. The command of the war was entrusted into the hands of his commander-in-chief Singunsin. Other war-chiefs associated with him were:—OOkansa, Gbogbo Olu, Wasin, Alodeloko, etc. Their first encampment was at a place called Dariagbon a farm village of one Olupdna, next at Sifirin at the confluence of the Osun and Oba rivers.

¶9 The Ifes thought they would make an easy conquest of Owu for they themselves are a brave people, and hence this war song in their peculiar dialect :—

¶10 E maha ja (a) gba, Let us cut ropes, Igbekun la mua di Our captives to bind.

¶11 Ifa Olowu The Olowu’s Ifa (god of palm nut) Ewa la mu ase With our corn we'll cook.

¶12 The Owus received the news that war was declared against them with great indignation. They considered themselves the power in these southern regions, and what infatuation has led the Ifes to this presumption ? With one consent they immediately marched out to meet them at this great distance. The engagement was a hand to hand fight in which the Ifes were completely routed ; their army was all but totally annihilated, only about 200 escaped to tell the tale of their dire misfortune !

¶13 The King of Iwo, in: whose territory this disaster took place did not admit the survivors into his town for fear of incurring the displeasure of his formidable neighbours the Owus, whom he dreaded and of whom he was jealous, but he so far sympathized with them that he advised that they should not undergo the humiliation of returning home, and he allowed them to rendezvous in a place called Adunbieiye for the purpose of recruiting their army and to try another chance, secretly hoping that fortune may favour them next time, and being ill at ease withsuch a formidable neighbour as the Owus.

¶14 This small army remained in this place for about 5 years, unable to return home from shame, and yet could not obtain re-inforcement adequate for the great enterprise.

¶15 Just at this crisis the Owus and the Ijebu traders had a serious complication at the Apomu market. The dispute arose from the sale of alligator pepper, and it resulted in the rash expedition against Apomu by the haughty Owus ; the town was destroyed, and many Ijebu traders and residents lost their lives or their all.

¶16 The king of Iwo thereupon advised the Ifes to form an alliance with the Ijebus, who, like them, have now a grievance against Owu. When this was done, the Ites at home were now willing to re-inforce their wrecked army for a conjoint attack upon Owu.

¶17 The Ijebus now declared war against Owu, and crossing the Osun river, encamped at the farm of one Oso.

¶18 The Tjebus were better armed than either their allies or their foes, and indeed, than any of the interior tribes, for, being nearest to the coast, they had the advantage of obtaining guns and gunpowder from Europeans in exchange for slaves. They were remarkable marksmen. The older men with their cloths tied round their waists, and the ends left flowing behind, constituted the regular fighting column: being too old or too heavy to run away, they were obliged to be courageous.

¶19 The Owus were mad with rage at the receipt of the news that anyone, such as the Ijebus, had presumed to declare war against them who (as they considered themselves) were the first power in these parts (southern Yoruba). They rushed out to check the progress of the Ijebus as they did that of the Ifes, and attacked them furiously cutlassin hand. But they were compelled to fall back from the steady fire of the Ijebus which did great havoc amongst them. Summoning courage, the Owus offered another obstinate battle, but they were again repulsed with a heavy slaughter, having lost in the first and second engagements about 40 of their leaders. This was the first check to their pride. They rallied, however, and retreated toa short distance, and then again ventured upon another attack, the Ijebus advancing as they were retreating: they finally met, and once more fortune was against the Owus, and they fled precipitately to fortify their city against the expected siege.

¶20 The Ijebus with their allies the Ifes encamped to the west of the city of Owu, under a large tree called the Ogingun, east of the town of Oje. We may here remark that although the Egba towns of Ofa and Oje were about a mile and two miles respectively from Owu, yet so bitter was the animosity between them that not only did these towns refuse their aid to Owu, but rather rejoiced at its misfortunes !

¶21 The Owus fought with their accustomed bravery, and in one furious assault, routed the allies, and pursued them to Oje, Ofa, and Ibadan. The first two places were deserted in the general confusion and panic, and all sought refuge at Ibadan. Here the allies received reinforcements from the Egbas, and from the Oyo refugees from the north whose homes had been devastated by the Fulanis and who were now scattered about the provinces

¶22 homeless, and without occupation. Glad to find some occupation in arms, these refugees flocked to the standard of the allies in numbers ; and thus strengthened, the war was renewed. The siege lasted about 5 years (usually reckoned as 7). The city was obstinately defended by the brave inhabitants from the walls, and from the forts built on the walls of the city. One Sakula was an expert sharp shooter who was never known to miss his aim ; he contributed much to the defence of the town. But he was at the same time a good-natured man, kind and merciful to his enemies. Whenever he saw a young man hazarding his life too close to the forts in order to show valour, pitying his youth, he used to hail at him from the fort, and warn him as follows :—“ I give you your life for to-day, but do not venture here to-morrow or you shall die.” And he was always as good as his word. Thus Sakula defended the city heroically and killed many a valiant warrior.

¶23 At last, the allies held a council of war, and were determined to get rid of Sakula on the next day. The Ijebus, who had guns were the foremost, and the whole army directed their fire and showers of darts at the fort where Sakula was fighting, all kept shooting ‘at that one spot, until they saw Sakiula fall, suspending from the fort !

¶24 Owu was now deprived of her bravest defender, and famine also began its fatal work within its walls.

¶25 It was at this time the Owus began for the first time to eat those large beans called popondo (or awuje) hitherto considered unfit for food ; hence the taunting songs of the allies :—

¶26 Popondo l’ara Owu nje, The Owus now live on propondo,

¶27 Aje f’ajaga bo ‘run. That done, their necks for the yoke. Unto this day, whoever would hum this ditty within the hearing of an Owu man, must look out for an accident to his own person.

¶28 For all the famine within, the besiegers could neither scale the walls, nor force the gates open, until Akinjobi the Olowu opened a gate, and escaped to Erunmu, one of the principal towns in his territory. The chief of this place was one Oluroko who was nearly related to the Owoni of Ife. Oluroko protected his overlord. The allies pursued the Olowu to this place, but Oluroko when called upon to answer for his conduct, submitted himself, and asked for pardon, showing that he could not have acted otherwise and be blameless. * The allies saw with him, and pardon was accordingly granted him.

¶29 Tkija was the only Egba town which befriended the city of Owu in her straits hence after the fall of the latter town, the combined armies went to punish her for supplying Owu with provisions during the siege. Being a much smaller town, they

¶30 soon made short work of it. After the destruction of Ikija,? the allies returned to their former camp at Idi Ogungun (under the Ogitingun tree).

¶31 “Owu was thenceforth placed under an interdict, never to be rebuilt ; and it was resolved that in future, however great might be the population of Oje—the nearest town to it—the town walls should not extend as far as the Ogingun tree, where the camp was pitched. Consequently to this day, although the land may be cultivated yet no one is allowed to build a house on it.

¶32 {In the year 1873 Akinyemi one of the sons of one Bolude of Ibadan happened to build a substantial farm house at Owu. Latdsisa then the Kakanfo at Ibadan ordered it to be pulled down immediately, and Akinyemi was fined besides].

¶33 After the fall of Owu and Ikija, the army was not disbanded, but the commanders of the Ife and of the Ijebu armies returned homie to give an account of the war to their respective masters, but the remnants still in the camp were continually swelled by recruits from Oyo refugees whom the Fulanis had rendered homeless.

¶34 After a time the Ijebus in the camp invited the allies home to their country as friends ; then they broke up the camp at “‘ Idi Ogungun ” and withdrew to Ipara in the south. .

¶35 It should be noted that the Owu war marked a definite period in Yoruba history. It was here for the first time gunpowder was used in war in this country, and it was followed by the devastation of the Egba townships and the foundation of modern Abeokuta and Ibadan, to be related in due course.

§ 2. CONSEQUENCES OF THE REVOUTION:—THE LASINMI War

¶37 Whilst the Owu war was raging in the south, the northern provinces were in no less disturbed condition. The Onikoyi, not content with being the first and greatest of the provincial kings took advantage of the disturbed state of the country to usurp the King’s prerogative and aimed at subjugating the other chiefs under his own authority. Toyeje the Kakanfo at Ogbomoso was alone his rival and in order to oppose him, the Onikoyi created Edun of Gbogun an opposition Kakanfo to him. But Toyeje continued in office, and so there were two Kakanfos at this period, a thing quite unprecedented.

¶38 During this reign, it was said that a European traveller visited Oyo to whom the King granted an interview. This was most probably Clapperton (vide Clapperton’s Last Expedition to Africa,

¶39 1 The site of Ikija is now an Ibadan farmstead known as Karaole.

¶40 Vol. I., Chap. IV.). The King was said to have complained bitterly of the rebellion of his subjects, and that he was King only in name: he craved for military assistance in order to reduce his rebellious chiefs ; but as it was impossible for the stranger to afford this, he tried persuasive measures. He visited the several powerful chiefs in the country, remonstrated with them pointing out forcibly how “ Unity is strength.”” His advice was favourably received and the result was a congress held at [koyi in which all the principal chiefs were present, and to which the King sent an Ilari.

¶41 After a prolonged deliberation they came to an agreement to return to their former loyalty and allegiance. The Onikoyi then asked that the ari be called in to bear the good tidings to his master; but when called aloud by his official (Ilari) name “ Kafilegboin,” the chiefs all gave a start and were much surprised to hear the name of the Iari sent to them. ‘‘ What ! Kafilegboin ! (i.e. let’s have it on stiff) Is that then the King’s intention? A name which implies implacability, resolute determination and inexorableness! Very well then, let the rebellion continue. Noone among us can consider himself safe at the hands of the King should we return to our allegiance, since he can send us such an Ilari at a time as this when he wants to winus back!” The congress was then dissolved.

¶42 Whether the King did this intentionally or not, we cannot say; but Yorubas being very diplomatic, and very suspicious of one another, he should have sent one whose name implies conciliation or harmony if he wished to win back the chiefs.

¶43 But we consider all this from God in order that the sins of the nation may be purged by judgment from above.

¶44 Shortly after this, there was a serious complication between the Kakanfo at Ogbomoso and the Timi of Ede. Ede had been tributary to Ogbomgso, but after the Pamo war it threw off its allegiance, and the Kakanfo had long been seeking for an opportunity to reduce it again to subjection. One cannot say what was the real cause of the war, but there can be no doubt that the Kakanfo made something or other a pretext for commencing hostilities. The Kakanfo, however, did not take the field in person as he considered it only a small affair; he sent Lasinmi his Balogun to reduce the town.

¶45 Ede was beseiged, and for 15 days desperate battles were fought, but the town was defended heroically.

¶46 Bamgbaiye the Timiof Ede at that time, was one of the richest of the provincial kings, andit was due to his largesses that the town was able to hold outsolong. Every morning he ordered bushels of corn (maize) to be well cooked, and placing large earthenware pots

¶47 at certain intervals right round the walls of the town, he filled them alternately with the cooked corn and cool drink (wellmashed Eko) or pure water, for the combatants, so that no one need complain of hunger or find an excuse for leaving his post by day or by night.

¶48 The strength of the besiegers and the besieged was well-nigh spent, when Asegbe the Olofa’s wise Ilari appeared again on the scene to prevent further bloodshed and to save the town. With a small body guard, he approached the walls of the town, so as to be heard. With his usual persuasive eloquence he induced the people to surrender in order to avoid further bloodshed. ‘‘ We are all the same tribe and one family, and why should we destroy one another in the very face of our common enemy, destroying us from without? I give you my word, that if you capitulate the siege will be instantly raised. ”’

¶49 These words were soon conveyed to the Timi, and so glad was he that he sent Asegbe a bottle of gin, which he and his attendants drank on the spot and the empty bottle was sent back as a token of good-will, that the gift was accepted.

¶50 The Timi sent again to enquire how the negotiations might best be carriedon. Asegbe advised him to send 10 bags of cowries and ro goats, and to capitulate and the siege would be raised. Asegbe returned to the camp to report his success, and the chiefs were all glad and thankful. Towards the evening the Timi paid the fines imposed and capitulated and the siege was raised.

¶51 Bamgbaiye was the richest Timi that ever ruled Ede. His large garden was full of goats and sheep without number so that all the green grass in the garden was eaten up. But the creatures were all miserable looking as they were more in number than could be properly fed at home; they should have been driven by herdsmen to the pastures to graze, but the war without prevented this. It was even said that they were so hungry that any one entering the garden would have to defend himself with a stick to prevent his clothes being eaten off his body! When presents had to be given, or fines and indemnities paid in token of subjection, or to purchase peace as above related, selections were made from the -well-favoured ones among them and the enemy appeased. He could afterwards recoup himself by taxation.

¶52 Ede prospered under the rule of this king.

§ 3. STATE OF THE CAPITAL DURING THIS PERIOD

¶54 King Majotu was well advanced in age, before he was called to the throne, and consequently the business of state was for the most part left in the hands of the Crown Prince Adewusi surnamed

¶55 Foihutniji: unfortunately, he was neither wise nor prudent but rather a dissolute and licentious prince, extravagant and cruel to a degree. His weak qualities were, however, eclipsed by his largess. He acted more like a monomaniac than like a rational being. His father was too old and weak to check him. Notwithstanding his exalted position he usually spent days and nights out-of-doors, roaming from one quarter of the town to another without returning home.

¶56 Whenever he was going to spend a night in a house in any quarter of the town, he usually gave orders that his suite should start about half-an-hour after he had preceded them. He would clothe himself in tatters, carrying an axe, a club, or a stick just like a madman ! He would reach the gate of the chief whose guest he intends to be, long before the arrival of his suite, and mingle with the crowd of spectators who were there waiting to see the sight of a royal equipage, listening to their remarks and especially to those of his intended host.

¶57 If the host were to complain of the undesired visit of an unprincipled coxcomb putting him to unnecessary trouble and expense, and that he would rather do without the honour of his visit, or any other such remarks that he might make, he would hear it all with his own ears. As soon as his attendants arrived he would instantly get himselt into the midst of them, change his rags for a magnificent robe, and step forth as becomes a prince. When the host now rushed forward to show his respect, and bid him a hearty welcome, etc., he would burst out ‘‘You hypocrite, did you not say so and so, when you heard I was coming to you on a visit ? I’ll curb your lying tongue.” When the host lay prostrate and trembling, conscious of guilt and pleading for mercy, he would deal him heavy blows with his club, which more often than not killed or disabled him for life, and in some cases, if he survived, he would order him to be sold into slavery.

¶58 But if the host were really solicitous about giving him a loyal welcome, and showed himself desirous of giving him an entertainment worthy of his rank, he would hear and know for himself, so that when he joined his attendants and came forward to greet his host, he would accept his welcome and bid him not to care about how he should entertain him, but would himself order refreshments and entertain the host and all present out of his own bounty, and give him presents lavishly besides. If this prince is spoken of as cruel, and as having killed or sold into slavery several of his father’s subjects, it was in this Way.

¶59 An instance related of his liberality was as follows :—

¶60 Upon a festival called Isulé customarily held in the month of

¶61 July, all the members of the royal family gorgeously dressed go in procession to a certain place to worship the spirits of their dead ancestors. The demonstrations on these occasions are very imposing, and usually end with gifts from the Crown Prince.

¶62 On one such occasion, this Prince gave the Ologbo who accompanied him a common gown, but the latter refused to acceptit, saying it was not worthy of the dignity of His Royal Highness. The Crown Prince thereupon took off his robes in which he went to the Isulé, and gave them to the Ologbo, and ordered other members of the royal family to do the same.

¶63 Adewusi had his own good qualities but his enormities were revolting ! He accounted it a privilege to commit indecencies under the open sky, surrounded by his attendants and Eunuchs holding large cloths in the four corners as a curtain to shield him from sight. In his train were always some of his wives and mistresses.

¶64 He would commit rape with impunity, and whether to show that he was above law, or out of pure spite to the chiefs, in his visits to any of them it was his custom on entering their houses, to perform the same act in the open court-yard before he took his seat in the piazza !

¶65 This beastly conduct bemeaned him in the estimation of the Oyo chiefs, and not only had he lost all respect from them on that account, but, on one occasion, he very nearly lost his life at the hands of the Basorun, in whose palace he had the temerity to venture on the same action ! On his arrival, his supernal highness came out to receive him as his guest, but was shocked to find that Adewusi made no exception in his lewd practices in regard to himself. He returned in a rage to his inner apartment, to reappear with a drawn sword, and would have despatched him and his mistress on the spot had not the Prince and all his attendants fled away in confusion. The Basorun’s servants pursued after them with clubs and dispersed them.

¶66 Adewusi had no one among all the chiefs to appeal to for sympathy, as he had offended every one of them in the same way, although none but the Basorun was able to resent it; hence their sympathy was rather on the side of the Basorun.

¶67 But the ultimate result of this would have been serious for the Prince had not his wise and aged father conciliated the chiefs.

¶68 Knowing what the outcome would probably be, His Majesty summoned a meeting of the chiefs, noblemen, and other important personages in the city and said to them in a parable :—‘ The Crown Prince was my creditor when we were in the other world, and when I could not pay the debt, I escaped to this world. He

¶69 pursued me hither demanding payment, and being born of royalty, I was able to pay off my debt.

¶70 But my difficulty is this—for the purpose of which I have summoned you all my chiefs for your advice and help. The Crown Prince not content with the payment, demanded that I should carry back the amount paid to the other world; and for this I crave your advice and help.”

¶71 The Oyo chiefs asked His Majesty for an explanation of the parable and his reply was as follows :—

¶72 “The enormities of the Crown Prince in your quarters and in your houses, I have heard of, and what would have been the result, if the Basorun had killed him in his house, we all know. Would it not haye cost me my own life also? What I crave of you is that in future I should be exonerated, and not be charged with his conduct.’’ The Oyo chiefs were appeased and promised not to implicate the father in the crimes of his son.

¶73 Added to the scourge of the sword, divine judgment fell upon the nation in famine also and pestilence. Towards the end of this reign there was a famine in the land for two years which obliterated every trace of the plenty they revelled in when there was peace and prosperity. Many died from it. It was a struggle for many to be able to support their family, especially those in exile; but the richness of the soil enabled those whose towns were not destroyed to render great assistance to their guests the refugees. But unfortunately there was a dearth of the latter rains and the dry season crops could not be planted. This following closely after the Lasinmi war caused the distress to be more severe.

¶74 Gbogi, an Ijesa town was attacked and destroyed only for the sake of the provisions it contained, no one caring for slaves or booty. The staple of the Ijesas being yam and not corn, the famine was less felt amongst them, as the yam crop does not depend upon the latter rain. This famine was called Iyan Yamoro.

¶75 It was said that a subscription was made by several families to the amount of 6 heads of cowries, and a special messenger was sent to the Egba territory to buy corn. The return of the messenger was eagerly looked forward to, and at length he returned with a merry heart whistling as he walked along: but there was no load on his head, the 6 heads worth of corn was carried in a bag slung on his shoulders ! and he protected it beneath the cloth he wrapped himself with, so that no one may know what he had with him. It was a treasure ! It was shared by the subscribers by counting the grains.

¶76 This calamity was followed by a pestilence called the Pehe,

¶77 a disease of the respiratory organs like the recent (1892) fatal epidemic of Influenza; thousands were swept away by it, and King Majotu was among its victims. Of a long succession of Kings, it was his good fortune to have died a natural death.

¶78 At the death of the King, the Crown Prince was told to die with his father, according to the custom now prevailing. But he was unwilling to do so, and was giving out bribes liberally to the chiefs that they should give him their support ; and trusting to his former largess to the people, he was determined upon a civil fight, hoping for a general rising in his favour; but Akawo, his bosom friend quietly undeceived him, and advised him to die honourably, or he would have the mortification of seeing himself deserted at the most critical moment by those on whom he counted most to espouse his cause. Adewusi then committed suicide, and Prince Amodo was placed on the throne.