Chapter 3. Religion

¶1 THE Yorubas originally were entirely pagans. Mohammedanism which many now profess was introduced only since the close of the eighteenth century. They, however, believe in the existence of an ALMIGHTY GOD, him they term OLORUN,i.e., LORD of HEAVEN.

¶2 They acknowledge Him, Maker of heaven and earth, but too exalted to concern Himself directly with men and their affairs, hence they admit the existence of many gods as intermediaries, and these they term Orisas.

¶3 We may note here that the term Olorun is applied to GOD alone and is never used in the plural to denote Orisas. Kings and the great ones on earth may sometimes be termed Orisas (gods) by way of eulogy, we are also familiar with the common expression, ‘“Oyinbo ekeji Orsa’”’ i.e., white men are next to the gods (i.e in their powers) ; but the term Olorun is reserved for the GREAT GOD alone.

¶4 They also believe in a future state, hence the worship of the dead, and invocation of spirits as observed in the Egiigun festival, a festival in which masked individuals personate dead relatives.

¶5 They have a belief also in a future judgment as may be inferred from the tollowing adage, ‘“ Ohungbogbo ti a se l’aiye, li a o de idena Orun ka’”’ (Whatever we do on earth we shall give an account thereof at the portals of heaven).

¶6 They also believe in the doctrine of metempsychosis, or transmigration of souls, hence they affirm that after a period of time, deceased parents are born again into the family of their surviving children. It is from this notion that some children are named “ Babatunde,” i.e., father comes again. ‘‘ Yetunde,’’ i.e., mother comes again.

OBJECTS OF WORSHIP

¶8 1. The Kori.—Originally, the Kori was the only object of worship. It consists of the hard shells of the palm nut strung into beads, and made to hang from the neck to the knees. In modern times it is no longer regarded as an object of worship by adults, but little children go about with it to the market places begging for alms. The object of worship is then worn by one of their number, who goes before, his companions following behind him, shouting the

¶9 praises of the ancient god Kori. In this way they parade the market places, and sellers before whom they halt to sing, make them presents of money (cowries) or whatever they may happen to be selling, usually articles of food. Thus the little children perpetuate the memory and worship of this deity, hence the ditty :

¶10 ‘“Tba ma si ewe, Kori a ku o.” (But for little children Kori had perished).

¶11 In later times heroes are venerated and deified, of these Sango, Oya, Orisa Oko, may be mentioned as the chief. The origin of their worship will be noted hereafter.

¶12 2. Orisala.—To Orisala are ascribed creative powers. He is

¶13 regarded as a co-worker with Olorun. Man is supposed to have been made by God in a lump, and shaped as he is by Orisala. Its votaries are distinguished by white beads worn round the neck, and by their using only white dresses. They are forbidden the use of palm wine. Sacrifices offered by them are not to be salted. Albinoes, dwarfs, the lame, hunchbacks, and all deformed persons generally are regarded as sacred to this god; hence they are designated ‘‘ Eni Orisa”’ (belonging to the god), being regarded as specially made so by him. - Orisala is the common name of the god known and worshipped by different townships under different appellations, e.g., it is called Orisa Oluofin at Iwofin; Orisak6 at Ok6 ; Orisakiré at [kire ; Orisagiyan at Ejigbo; Orisaeguin at Eguin; Orisarowu at Owu Orisajaye at Ijaye; and Obatala at Oba.

¶14 3. Ori.—The Ori (head) is the universal household deity worshipped by both sexes as the god of fate. It is believed that good or ill fortune attends one, according to the will or decree of this god ; and hence it is propitiated in order that good luck might be the share of its votary. The representing image is 41 cowries strung together in the shape of a crown. This is secreted in a large coffer, the lid of which is of the same form and material. It is called ‘‘ Ile Ori’’ (Ori’s house), and in size is as large as the owner can afford to make it. Some usually contain as much as 6 heads (12,000) of cowries, and the manufacturer who is generally a worker in leather receives as his pay the same amount of cowries as is used in the article manufactured.

¶15 As the Kori is the children’s god so the Ori is exclusively worshipped by the adults. After the death of its owner, the image of Ori with the coffer is destroyed, and the cowries spent.

¶16 4. Ogun.—This is the god of war, and all instruments made of iron are consecrated to it, hence Ogun is the*blacksmiths’ god. The representing image is the silk cotton tree specially planted,

¶17 beneath which is placed a piece of granite on which palm oil is poured and the blood of slain animals—generally a dog.

¶18 5. Esu or Elegbara.—Satan, the Evil One, the author of all evil is often and specially propitiated. Offerings are made to it. The representing image is a rough lateritic stone upon which libations of palm oil are poured. It is superstitiously believed that the vengeance of this god could be successfully invoked upon an offender by the name of the person being called before the image while nut oil is being poured on it. The image of a man, with a horn on its head curving backwards, carved in wood and ornamented with cowries, is often carried by its devotees to beg with on public highways. Passers-by who are so disposed may give each a cowry or two, or handfuls of corn, beans, or any product of the field at hand, as he orshe may choose. This curved headed figure is called “‘Ogo Elegbara ’’—the devil’s club.

¶19 6. Sopona or the small pox is generally believed to be one of the demons by which this lower world is infested, and has its special devotees. The representing image is a broom. made from the branches of the bamboo palm, stripped of its leaves, and besmeared with camwood. To invoke its vengeance parched corn or beniseed is usually thrown hot upon the image, and then it is believed the epidemic will spread,. But they certainly have a more direct means of spreading the disease.

¶20 Persons dying of this plague are buried only by the devotees of this god, who account it as their special right to bury such corpses, being victims of the vengeance of their god. For a propitiation, they often demand from the relatives of the victims 5 head (7.e., 10,000) of cowries, a tortoise, a snail, a fowl, a pigeon, a goat, an armadillo, a ground pig, camwood, shea butter, a quantity of palm oil, two kinds of beads, green and yellow, called respectively Otutu and Opon, together with all the effects of the deceased, which are regarded as theirs by legitimate right. The corpse is buried either in the bush, or by the side of a river.

¶21 The following anecdote was related by a devotee. He was confirmed—said he—in his belief in the existence of the gods and as helpers in the government of the world from the following incident. Said he, “‘ A young man once fell into a swoon, and having revived, he related the vision which he hadseen. He said he saw the GREAT GOD sitting on a throne, covered with a flowing garment, attended on His right and left by Orisala and Ifa his counsellors: behind him was a pit into which the condemned were cast. Ogun and Sopona were ministers of his vengeance to execute justice upon offenders. Ogun armed with 4,000 swords (or daggers) went out daily to slay victims, his food being the blood of the slain. Sopona

¶22 also had 4,000 viols hung about his body. His also was the work of destruction as he disappeared immediately for another victim after presenting one. Sango also appeared, a mighty destroyer who, when about to set forth on his journey to earth, used to be cautioned by both Orisala and Ifa to deal gently with their respective worshippers.”

¶23 It is with such stories as this that the credulity of the simple folk is usually wrought upon with a view to strengthen their belief in the so-called gods.

¶24 7. Egugun. The period when the worship of spirits or the souls of departed relatives was introduced into the Yoruba country will be noted in a future chapter. The representing forms are human beings of the exact height and figure of the deceased, covered from head to foot with cloths similar to those in which the said deceased was known to have been buried, completely masked and speaking with an unnatural tone of voice. . This feigned voice is said to be in imitation of that of a species of monkey called Ijimere. That animal is regarded with superstitious reverence, the power of walking erect and talking being ascribed to it and is esteemed a clever physician. Some professed ‘‘ medicine men’’ usually tame and keep one of these creatures, and pretend to receive instructions and inspirations from it.

¶25 In these later times, the Egigun worship has become a national religious institution, and its anniversaries are celebrated with grand festivities. The mysteries connected with itare held sacred and inviolable, and although little boys of 5 or 6 years of age are often initiated, yet no woman may know these mysteries on pain of death.

¶26 The dress of the Egiigun consists of cloths of various colours or the feathers of different kinds of birds, or the skins of different animals. The whole body from head to foot is concealed from view ; the Egtigun seeing only from the meshes of a species of network covering the face, and speaking in a sepulchral tone ot voice. The women believe (or rather feign to believe) that the Egiguns came from the spirit world. An Egtigun (the Agan) is the executor of women accused of witchcraft, and of those who are proved guilty ot such crimes as murder, incendiarism, etc.

¶27 The high priest of the Egtigun is called the Alagb4, and next to him is the Aldran, and after this the Esorun, and then the Akere whose insignia of office are a bundle of Atort whips. These officials are higher in rank than all the Egiguns under the mask, and hence the common saying :—“‘ Egiigun baba Alagba, Alagba baba Egtigun’’ (The Egiigun is the father of the Alagba, the Alagba the father of the Egiigun).

¶28 It is considered a crime to touch an Egigun dress in public, and disrespectful to pass him by with the head uncovered. Even a boy Egiigun is considered worthy of being honoured by his (supposed) surviving parents, he salutes them as elderly people would do, and promises the bestowal of gifts on the family.

¶29 In every town there are several Alagbas or head priests of Egiigun out of them a president is elected, at whose house all the others meet on special occasions.

¶30 The individual who fills the highest rank in the Egigun worship is the Alapini, one of the seven great noble men of Oyo (the Oyo MEs1). He resides always in the royal city of Oyo. There can be but one Alapini at a time, and by virtue of his office he must be a monorchis. Thus qualified, he shares with the eunuchs in all their privileges, and at the same time enjoys the lion’s share in the Egtigun department.

¶31 In a large town, every quarter has its own Alagba in whose house a special apartment is dedicated to the Egtigun worship, where all the Egiigun dress in that part of the town are kept until required for use on special occasions or at the annual festivals.

¶32 Egiiguns are generally worshipped with a kind of cake made of beans and palm oil (Olele) in the month of February, after the beans harvest in January ; and the Egiigun anniversary is usually held in the month of May or June. These festivals are lucky times for the men, for on these occasions, the women are made to spend largely to feast ‘‘ deceased relatives,’ while the food is consumed by the men in the Alagba’s department. The number of fowls and goats killed and devoured at such times is simply prodigious. Such is the force of habit engendered by blind superstition, that although in reality the women are no longer deceived, as regards these alleged visits of their dear departed, yet they make their offerings with cheerfulness, and with a sure expectation of blessings.

¶33 It has already been noted above that the Yorubas believe in a future state. It cannot be considered too far fetched to say that this periodical re-appearance of the dead as symbolized in the Egiigun “‘ mystery ”’ is an embodiment of the idea of the Resurrection, although that doctrine as taught by Christianity cannot be said to be identical with what they hold and practise ; but this festival is usually observed with all the zeal and fervour with which Christians celebrate the Christmas and Paschal festivals.

¶34 This anniversary is the time of reunion among absent friends and relatives. The town then puts on its best appearance, the stréets are everywhere cleaned and put under repairs, and the citizens appear abroad in their holiday dress.

¶35 The celebration is usually preceded on the eve of the festival by a vigil termed in Yoruba “‘ Ikunle’’ or the kneeling, because the whole night is spent in kneeling and praying in the grove set apart for Egiigun worship, invoking the blessings and the aid of the departed parent. The blood of fowls and animals offered in sacrifice is also poured on the graves of the ancestors.

¶36 On the morning of the festival the whole of the Egiiguns, including all the principal forms accompanied by the Alagbas and minor priests form a procession to the residence of the chief ruler of the town; they there receive the homage of the chief, and in turn give him and the other chiefs and the whole town their blessings; they then spend about three hours doing honours to the chief, playing and dancing to their peculiar music ; and after receiving presents they disperse to continue the play all over the town, each confining himself more or less to his own quarter of the town.

¶37 The festival is continued for seven days, and on the eighth day, there is another gathering at the Chief Alagba’s and the festivities are brought to a close with games, sports, and a display of magic tricks.

¶38 For three weeks to a month, lesser Egiguns may still be seen making their appearance ; these as arule, belong to poorer districts which were backward in their preparations for the annual feast. Everyone, however, still keeps to the same rule of seven days’ appearance and disappearing likewise on the eighth day after a grand display.

THE ADAMUORISA AND THE GELEDE.

¶40 In imitation of the Egtiguns, some littoral tribes adopt similar forms of representation of their departed dead; such are the Adamuorisa among the Aworis, and the Gelede among the Egbado tribes.

¶41 The Adamuorisa is sometimes called Eyo; the former term signifies the god with the nasal twang—on account of the artificial voice they affect, and the latter, Eyd, simply means Oyo being an imitation or parody of the Oyo system of Egiigun worship.

¶42 But whereas the Egiiguns appear annually, at a fixed period of the year, viz. at the feast of the first fruits in June, these are used as a part of the funeral obsequies of a chieftain, or well-to-do citizen who can afford a carnival in connection with his funeral rites. The efigy of the departed is set up in state in the house, the immediate relatives are dressed in their very best, and all hold horse-tails in their hands to dance with. The play lasts for one day only and generally ends with a big feast.

¶43 The Gelede is also a human being in a mask the head of which is exquisitely carved in wood, and made to represent that of a man or woman with all their tribal marks and sometimes any of the lower animals such as the alligator. They are more generally of a female form, with carvings of plaited haii, and magnificent busts ; they are elaborately or fantastically dressed, bedecked with a wealth of female ornaments of native manufacture, such as ear-rings, bangles, beads, etc., with jingles on their ankles; they dance and move majestically, treading heavily to the rhythmic sound of drums and other musical instruments.

¶44 They are much besmired with chalk and camwood, presenting rather a frightful (if harmless) appearance.

¶45 8. Ord. The Ord system is also said by some to have been borrowed from the red monkey called [jimeré, It consists of a flat piece of iron or stick, with a long string, attached to a pole. This when whirled swiftly in the air produces a shrill sound which is called ‘“‘ Aja Ord” (Ord’s dog). A larger kind whirled with the hand gives a deep bass tone. This is the voice of the Oro himself. Amongst the Ijebus and the Egbas, Ord is much more sacred and important than the Egtigun, and is the executor of criminals. The Egbas pay homage also to another god called Ologboijeun, who is personated by a man under a mask with a drawn sword in his hand.

¶46 Other gods of the same class are the Igis (trees) also personified by human beings, masked and carrying an image on the head. Some of these are male figures with branching horns, on which are carved figures of monkeys, snakes and other animals. Others are female figures which are called Efun-gba-roku.

¶47 Amongst the Oyos (Yorubas Proper) the people of Iseyin and Jabata are the principal Ord worshippers. Seven days are set apart annually for its worship. Except for a few hours during which they are permitted to procure provisions, women are kept indoors throughout the day. On the seventh day even this small indulgence is not allowed, but they are rigidly shut up the entire day. It is certain death for any one of them to be found without and this penalty is exacted whatever may be the title, or wealth, or position of respectability of any woman who ventures to have a Peet at the Oro.

¶48 Ifa.—This is the great consulting oraclein the Yoruba country anal was introduced at a late period by King ONIGBOGI, who was said to have been dethroned for having done so. ⑂ 2 accounts

¶49 Another tradition says it was introduced into the Yoruba country by one Setilu, native of the Nupe country, who was born blind. ⑂ 2 accounts

¶50 This was about the period of the Mohammedan invasion.

¶51 Setilu’s parents regretting their misfortune in having a blind son, were at first of doubtful mind as to what course they should pursue, whether to kill the child, or spare its life to become a burden on the family. Parental feelings decided them to spare the child. It grew up a peculiar child, and the parents were astonished at his extraordinary powers of divination. At the early age of 5, he began to excite their wonder and curiosity by foretelling who would pay them a visit in the course of the day and with what object. As he advanced in age, he began to practise sorcery and medicine. At the commencement of his practice, he used 16 small pebbles and imposed successfully upon the credulity of those who flocked to him in their distress and anguish for consultation. From this source, he earned a comfortable livelihood. Finding that the adherents were fast becoming Setilu’s followers, and that even respectable priests did not escape the general contagion, the Mohammedans resolved to expel Setilu out of the country. This being effected, Setilu crossed the river Niger and went to Benin, staying for a while at a place called Owd, thence to Ado. Subsequently he migrated to Ile Ife, and finding that place more suitable for practising his art, he resolved to make it his permanent residence. He soon became famous there also, and his performances so impressed the people, and the reliance placed in him was so absolute, that he had little difficulty in persuading them to abolish the tribal marks on their faces, such marks of distinction not being practised in Nupe, Setilu’s own country.

¶52 In process of time palm nuts, pieces of iron and ivory balls were successively used instead of pebbles. At the present day, palm nuts only are used as they are considered more easily propitiated, the others requiring costly sacrifices and even human blood.

¶53 Setilu initiated several of his followers in the mysteries of Ifa worship, and it has gradually become the consulting oracle of the whole Yoruba nation. In order to become an Ifa priest, a long course of serious study is necessary. To consult Ifa, in the more common and ordinary way, 16 palm nuts are to be shaken together in the hollow of both hands, whilst certain marks are traced with the index finger on a flat bowl dusted with yam flour, or powdered camwood. Each mark suggests to the consulting priest the heroic deeds of some fabulous heroes, which he duly recounts, and so he goes on with the marks in order, until he hits upon certain words or phrases which appear to bear upon the matter of the applicant before him. Very often answers are given much after the manner of the ancient oracle at Delphi.

¶54 Ifa was really met in this country by the Yorubas, for ODUDUWA

¶55 met Setilu at Ile Ife, but the worship of it was officially recognized by KING OFIRAN son of ONIGBOGI.

¶56 10. Sango.—Sango was the fourth King of the Yorubas, and was detfied by his friends after his death. Sango ruled over all the Yorubas including Benin, the Popos and Dahomey, for the worship of him has continued in all these countries to this day.

¶57 It is related of him, that being a tyrant he was dethroned by his people, and expelled the country. Finding himself deserted not only by his friends, but also by his beloved wife Oya, he committed suicide at a place called Koso. His tragic end became a proverb and a by-word, and his faithless friends were ashamed on account of the taunts cast upon the name and fame of the unfortunate King. To atone for their base action in deserting him, as well as to avenge the insults on his memory they went to the Bariba country to study the art of charm-making, and also the process of attracting lightning upon their enemies’ houses.

¶58 On their return home they put to practice with a vengeance the lessons they had learnt. From the too frequent conflagrations which were taking place, as well as deaths from lightning strokes, suspicions were aroused, and enquiries were set on foot. Then Sango’s friends said that the catastrophe was attributable to the late King taking vengeance on his enemies on account of the indignities they had heaped upon his memory. Being appealed to, to propitiate the offended King in order that he may stay his vengeance upon the land, his friends offered sacrifices to him as god, and hence these intercessors became the “‘ Mogba ”’ (advocate) and priests of Sango; and to this day their descendants hold the same office.

¶59 The emblems of worship representing Sango are certain smooth stones shaped like an axe head commonly taken for thunder bolts.

¶60 They are supposed to be hurled down from the heavens when the god would kill any one who has incurred his displeasure.

¶61 The following is the process to be gone through at the initiation of any one into the mysteries of Sango worship :—The priests demand a ram, a water bird called Osin, a tortoise, a snail, an armadillo, a large rat called Okete, a toad, a tadpole, the Otutu and Open beads, the red tail of a parrot, a guinea fowl, shea butter, salt, palm oil, the flesh of an elephant, venison, the tété (greens) the leaves of the evergreens called Etipofiola, Odtidun, andiperegun tree; a small knife called “ abe-esu’’ (the devil’s razor) a white country cloth of Io breadths, a mat called fafa (mats made of the pith of bamboo palm branches) together with 7 heads of cowries (14,000 cowry shells) as carriage fee.

¶62 The leaves are bruised in a bowl of water, and with the infusion

¶63 the candidate is to purify himself. He is then seated on a mortar and shaved. The birds and tortoise are killed and their hearts taken out, and these with slices of the flesh of all the animals above-mentioned are pounded together with the evergreens, and a ball is made of the compound. The candidate now submits to incisions on his shaven head and the ball of pounded articles is rubbed into the wounds. The neophyte now becomes a recognised devotee of Sango.

¶64 Important ceremonies are performed when a house is struck by lightning. Theinmatesare not allowed to sleep in any house, but in booths or blacksmith’s shops, until the so-called thunderbolt is dug up and removed from the premises. A garland of palm leaves is generally hung up at the entrance of the devoted house to forbid any but Sango priests to enter. A watchman is kept on the premises at the expense of the sufferers from the divine visitation, and it is the duty of this man to ward off trespassers from what is now regarded as sacred ground, till the ceremonies shall have been performed, and the offended god appeased. With the sole exception of the great King, the ALAFIN of Oyo, all the provincial kings and ruling chiefs in whose town the catastrophe happens to take place, are bound to repair to the spot to do homage to Sango, who is said to pay a visit to earth.

¶65 Such occasions are greatly prized by the worshippers who swarm to the place in numbers with their Bay4ni, a sort of crown made of cowries, and they are all to be entertained at the expense of the sufferers and also by the neighbours.

¶66 The king or chief coming to pay his respects to Sango is to receive 11 heads of cowries, a goat, and a slave in three payments.

¶67 In the case of a poor house, a member of the family is seized if not quietly given up, and has to be ransomed at a considerable sum, which must be paid and the above mentioned articles procured, before the ceremony can be performed. Then all being ready the priests having now assembled, the fefe (greens) et:pomola, together with the evergreens Odiidun and peregun are bruised in a bowl of water, and with this they purify themselves before entering the house. They are preceded by one holding an iron instrument (the divining rod) with which a search is made for the spot where the bolt is believed to have entered the ground. After some pretence they arrive at a spot in which one of their number had previously buried one of these sharpstones. Here the ground is ordered to be dug, with a show of solemnity, and, of course, the thunder-bolt is found and exhumed with well-sustained marks of piety and reverence.

¶68 Thus the common people are deceived and imposed upon, and

¶69 very few besides the priests are aware of the tricks systematically played upon their credulity.

¶70 The concluding ceremony still bears hardly on the poor sufferers. They are required to give over a son to the priests to be initiated in the mysteries of the cult, and further they are to pay something in order to obtain permission to rebuild their houses. Hence an accident of this kind means great calamity to any one, and heavy debts are incurred. The unfortunate sufferers already deprived of their all (much or Jittle) by this sudden stroke of ill-fortune are often obliged to put their children to service in order to raise money sufficient to meet the demands of the greedy worshippers of this heartless god. The fines obtained are shared between the king or head chief, and the town authorities; but the articles purchased for the performance of the ceremonies are perquisites which are appropriated by the priests alone.

¶71 This ‘‘ descent of Sango ”’ on earth is never done but with a view to show his displeasure on persons who are guilty of perjury and lies. The town for a while is as it were placed under an interdict, and during that brief period the worshippers of the god are allowed to seize with impunity whatever they can come at in the public streets in the vicinity of the catastrophe, such as sheep, goats, poultry and things of greater o1 less value.

¶72 Sango worshippers are forbidden to touch the large white beans called Sése, because it is used for counteracting the evil effects of the agencies employed in attracting lightning on people’s houses.

¶73 1z. Oya. This was the name of Sango’s faithful and beloved wife. She alone of all his wives accompanied him in his flight towards the Tapa (Nupe) country his maternalhome. But courage failed her at a place called Ira, her native town which she was never to see any more should love for her husband prevail to make her resolve to share with him in his destiny. But the prospect of making her home among entire strangers in a strange land among a people speaking a strange tongue, and of leaving parents and home for ever, so overpowered her that she hesitated to proceed.

¶74 As she could not for very shame return to Oyo she remained at Ira; and hearing that her husband had committed suicide, she summed up sufficient courage to follow his example.

¶75 She also was deified. The river Niger is sacred to her, and hence that river is called all over Yoruba land Odo Oya after her name. As thunder and lightning are attributed to Sango so tornado and violent thunderstorms, rending trees and levelling high towers and houses are attributed to Oya. They signify her displeasure.

¶76 Deified heroes and heroines are never spoken of as dead, but as having disappeared. Thus the saying :—

¶77 “ Oya wolé ni ile Ira Sango wolé ni Koso.” (Oya disappeared in the town of Ira Sango disappeared at Koso).

¶78 Two naked swords and the horns of a buffalo are the representative image of Oya. Her followers are forbidden to touch mutton, they are distinguished by a particular kind of red beads which are always tied round their necks.

¶79 12. Evnle. Erinle was originally a hunter, native of Ajagbusi. He was poor and unmarried. Having no home, he dwelt ina booth erected under a large gbingbin tree by the river side, whence he made his expeditions to shoot monkeys for sale by which he earned his livelihood. He is said to have been accidentally swept down the river by a strong current and was drowned. A river flowing by the present town of Ilobu, which empties itself into the Osun river was named after him. The representing image consists of black smooth stones from that river, and an image of iron surmounted by the figure of a bird. The followers are distinguished by wearing a chain of iron or brass round their necks, and bracelets of the same material.

¶80 13. Orisa Oko. Orisa Oko was also a hunter, a native of Irawo. He used to entrap guinea fowls in nets set in the farm of one Ogunjensowé, a wealthy farmer, and by this means he gained his livelihood. He kept a dog and a fife, and on several occasions when lost in the bush his whereabouts were discovered by his dog at the sound of the fife. He lived to a good old age, and when infirm and unable to pursue his calling as a hunter, he practised soothsaying and numbers flocked to him.

¶81 It may be observed that in countries where letters are not known and the language not reduced to writing the aged are the repositories of wisdom and knowledge, hence the younger generation regard their seniors as guides and prophets, and their vast stores of experience serve as keys to unlock many a doubtful point in the affairs of the young. The latter used to regard the foresight displayed by the elders as amarvel ; it is easy, therefore to understand how it came about that extraordinary powers are attributed to them. It is only thus that one can account in a way for the success of those who are often styled ‘‘ medicine men ”’ “ sorcerers ’”’ “ soothsayers,”’ etc.

¶82 As witchcraft was punished with death, persons accused of it were taken to Orisa Oko for. trial. He was accustomed to lead

¶83 the accused to a cave supposed to be inhabited by a demon called Polo. In this cave Orisa Oko practised his sorcery. In cases where an accused was innocent, he would return with him; if otherwise, then his head is thrown out to those awaiting a decision. Polo the demon executed the guilty. The fame of Orisa Oko spread and numbers resorted to him in taking oaths. His oracle was regarded as infallible, and appeals to him were final.

¶84 After his death, his followers practised his methods taking the precaution to secrete a strong man in the cave to act the part of the supposed Polo.

¶85 But a striking exposure soon brought the practice into disrepute, and it was abolished. It happened thus. A man was accused and as usual, was taken to the cave; but he proved to be a far stronger man than the supposed Polo, and the result was that he killed the counterfeit demon, and threw his head out of thecave to those who were eagerly waiting for the decision of the god.

¶86 The representing image is a fife made of ivory or a flat piece of iron 5 or 6ft. in length similar to what is given as a sign of acquittal to those in whose favour the god had decided.

¶87 The Egugun mystery is of a kind similar to that of the Orisa Oko worship. It also was practised in a cave by the side of a mount called the Erugtin mount.

¶88 The above are the principal gods worshipped by the Yorubas. There are besides many inferior divinities to whom offerings are made. In fact the whole number of gods and goddesses acknowledged is reckoned at 4o1. Propitiatory sacrifices are also offered to whatever in nature is awe-inspiring or magnificent such as the Ocean, huge rocks, tall trees, and high mountains. To the last named especially offerings are made for the procreation of children.

¶89 MOHAMMEDANISM as was observed above, was introduced towards the close of the eighteenth century ; it numbered very few adherents up to the time when the Fulanis by stratagem, seized Ilorin and overran the northern provinces, as we shall find related in the second part of this history. The towns in the plain were swept with fire and the sword, with the alternative of the acceptance of the Koran, and submission to the Fulanis ; the southward progress of the conquerors, however, was stopped. at Osogbo, where the Ibadans met and crushed them, and in the direction of the Ijesa and Ekiti provinces, the forests and mountain fastnesses offered insurmountable obstacles to these intrepid horsemen, who could neither fight on foot nor engage in a bush warfare ; hence Mohammedanism prevailed chiefly in the north, but latterly it spread southwards by peaceful means, chiefly by

¶90 traders and itinerant mendicant preachers. It is now embraced by thousands, as it appears to be a superior form of religion to the paganism of their ancestors.

¶91 CHRISTIANITY. Christianity was introduced by the Church Missionary Society in 1843, first into Abeokuta via Badagry, and from thence to Ibadan in May 1851, and also to Ijaye. On January 10, 1852, the C.M.S. removed their base from Badagry to Lagos. From Abeokuta, mission stations were planted at the Oke Ogun and Egbadao districts, from Ibadan missions were planted at Iwo, Modakeke, Ife, Osogbo and Ilesa. Missions were established also at Oyo and Ogbomoso before the Ijaye war broke out in 1860, which put a stop to the progress of missions all over the country. The intertribal wars which followed and which convulsed the greater part of the country, and devastated large areas, prevented its growth northwards, but at Abeokuta where it was first planted, it grew so rapidly that at the time of the British occupation, Christian adherents could be numbered by thousands; schools had been established, and evangelistic work among the surrounding kindred tribes systematically undertaken and was being vigorously carried on.

¶92 The Bible in the vernacular was the most potent factor in the spread of the religion. The sincerity of the converts, and the firm hold the religion has attained, have been fully tested by several bloody persecutions endured for the faith, through which they came out triumphant.

¶93 The torces organized for home defence chiefly against the Dahomian attacks contained a compact body of Christians under their own captain, the esprit de corps existing among them, and the invariable success which always attended their arms, won for them the respect and admiration, of their pagan rulers and countrymen. This contributed not a little to the cessation of persecutions and the increase of their number.

¶94 The establishment of the British protectorate saw the mission, established at Ijebu, whereit has since been spreading phenomenally and also in the Ijesa and Ekiti provinces. It is self propagating by means of the people learning to read the Bible in their own tongue. To God be the praise.