Chapter 23. The Commencement Of The 16 Years’ War

§ 1. THE BOkOFI EXPEDITION

¶2 SINCE the Ìjàyè war (1860-62) the Ìjẹ̀bús and the Ẹ̀gbás had strictly forbidden ammunition to be sold to any of the interior tribes, notably Ìbàdàn. On the restoration of peace in 1865 the trade between them consisted of foreign clothes, salt, rum and gin from the coast in exchange for produce, chiefly palm oil, kernels, cotton, etc., from the interior. In order to obtain ammunition, the late Baṣọ̀run Ògúnmọ́lá opened the Oke Igbo road via Ifẹ̀ to Benin solely for that purpose.

¶3 The late King ADELU, however, had purchased a large quantity of gunpowder at Porto Novo which was sent half way to Bokofi but no further for fear of the Ẹ̀gbás kidnapping the whole. On hearing this, the Are was resolved to send the youngest Mogajis for it, secretly wishing they might encounter the Ẹ̀gbás or the Dahomians who might probably help him to get rid of one or other of them. Ilori the Òsì, and Iyapo the Sẹ́rìkí were sent on this expedition under the elderly chief Olupoyi as Baba Isale.

¶4 The name of Iyapo drew the whole of the young men of Ìbàdàn to this expedition leaving only the Are, the Balógun and the Ọ̀tún at home. Their simple instructions were :—‘ Molest no one, steer clear of Ẹ̀gbá territory, go straight by Oke’ho, Igana to Meko; but if any one molest or interfere with you, follow the party home, and we shall come and meet you outside their gates." The Are hurried the Sẹ́rìkí out of home the same day he gave him the order, the less prepared the better the chances of his fall in the Are’s opinion.

¶5 The expedition left Ìbàdàn on the 26th April, 1877, and returned safely on the 21st June, without encountering either Ẹ̀gbás or Dahomians. They brought with them about 800 kegs of gunpowder, a few Dane guns, and casks of rum, etc. On the next day the whole of the powder was forwarded to the ALÁÀFIN who took a few kegs and made a present of the rest to the Ìbàdàn chiefs. During this expedition there was a great stir among the Ẹ̀gbás. They charged the Ìbàdàns with seeking an occasion of quarrel with them by sending an army into their "backyard "as they styled it, but as the Ìbàdàn government had sent formally to apprise the Ẹ̀gbá chiefs of their movement and object before the expedition left, the responsible chiefs of Abẹ́òkúta like Ogundipe, and others paid no heed to the hue and cry that was being made. But the great majority of them at a meeting at Sodeke street decided to close the roads against Ìbàdàn and forbid especially the exportation of salt and foreign goods.

¶6 Ajagunjeun the Balógun of Itoko took the lead and went to the caravan town gate to turn the Ìbàdàn traders back home and to see that those already in the town leave empty handed.

¶7 This was really the first hostile act that led up eventually to the 16 years’ war, which involved practically the whole Yoruba country, and caused so much loss of lives, and much distress and misery, and destruction of towns, subjugation of the Ìjẹ̀bús by the British Government, reduction of the military power of Ìbàdàn, the placing of a British Resident in that town, and of District Commissioners in the principal towns of the Yoruba country.

§ 2. THE First ACT OF WAR

¶9 The Are’s avarice and ambition at this time were unbounded. His ambition was to eclipse the fame of the two greatest chiefs of undying memory at Ìbàdàn viz Ibikunle and Ògúnmọ́lá (his late master) who both left a name behind them, and sons who upheld the fame and greatness of their father. To this end he sought occasion first against Ilori Ògúnmọ́lá’s son, and then against Sẹ́rìkí Iyapo, Ibikunle’s son. If he could reduce these men who eclipsed himself in all that made for feudal greatness and glory, his own star would then shine undimmed.

¶10 Further, he now undertook to organize a military band for his own house, raising some of the principal slaves to power and greatness, some of them commanding from 400 to 1,000 soldiers each, horse and foot ; and accumulated also a vast store of ammunition in his own house. Also he put up his eldest son as a rival to the other Mogajis in the town, and organized a military band for him, and a guard consisting of the sons of the well-to-do men in the town.

¶11 These doings of the Are did not escape the observation of the chiefs. It seemed to them that the Are wanted to perpetuate the administration of Ìbàdàn in his own family, and they were determined to resist this with all their might. The Are on the other hand was much elated with his military organization, and he made it clear that he was bent on an enterprise which he was determined to prosecute to a successful issue with or without the help of his chiefs.

¶12 On the 25th of June, 1877, the Are declared at the meeting of the Town Council that as the Ẹ̀gbás first shut their gates against Ìbàdàn since the 3rd of June they must now shut theirs against the Ẹ̀gbás, and 17 days hence commence hostilities.

¶13 The chiefs one and all remonstrated with him against this enterprise, but he was obdurate. Messengers were despatched to their neighbours the Ìjẹ̀bús, Ìlọrins, the Ìjẹ̀ṣàs, Èkìtìs and Ifẹ̀s telling them of the impending struggle and requesting their cooperation. The casus belli were stated as follows :—

¶14 1. That they only performed an act of loyalty towards the King by sending to Porto Novo to bring home ammunition he had bought there, when the Ẹ̀gbás refused to sell to them.

¶15 2. They never trespassed on Ẹ̀gbá territory, nor gave any cause of offence to any, and yet the Ẹ̀gbás resented their action by closing their roads against Ọ̀yọ́s forbidding all trade and intercourse with them.

¶16 3. Hundreds of their people who went to Abẹ́òkúta for trade had been stolen and sold into slavery which alone gave them the right to demand redress.

¶17 But before the return of the messengers the Ẹ̀gbá chiefs sent their ambassadors headed by one Leasu to negotiate peace and on the 12th of July, 1877, a full meeting was convened to hear them. But Leasu proved himself most unfit to play the part entrusted to him; he spoke disrespectfully and in an impertinent manner, addressing the Are by name, but his own head chief by his title Alatise. The chiefs were indignant at this and the Sẹ́rìkí Iyapo at once confronted him with "You ought rather be gone as you are most unfit to discharge the duties of a messenger. Why did you not call your own chief Ogundipe by name but by his title Alatise, but our own chief you keep calling by name Latosisa? That is his name true, but he has a title and he is the ruler of this town. If you cannot do him respect we will show you the gate."

¶18 Leasu had to leave the town the next day without a reply to his message.

¶19 Whilst the chiefs were for negotiation, the Are was bent on hostilities. He found in this affair a plausible pretext for a thing he had long premeditated to carry out, viz., the subjugation of Abẹ́òkúta as the first step towards bringing the whole country again under one head.

¶20 Seeing the storm brewing the native missionaries in a body interviewed him and endeavoured to dissuade him from prosecuting his mad project. They pointed out to him that the thing could not be done, as the Ẹ̀gbás were well supplied with breach-loading guns which are terrible weapons of precision, whilst he had none. He laughingly replied "And with muzzle-loading ones will I break them." They further remonstrated with him saying "Ote aladugbo ko dara" (warfare between neighbours is a great evil). He received them hitherto with his usual smiles and affability, extenuating his actions, etc., but now, all of a sudden (probably thinking they were moved thereto by the chiefs) he grew stern and resolute, not to say fierce (his Kakanfò blood seemingly flying into his head) and he said "I am going to perform a task which God has allotted to me to do, and those who say they shall see that I do not accomplish it will not live to see it done, as done it shall be, and when I have finished there shall be no more wars for ever in the Yoruba country." How truly prophetic his words turned out to be, but how differently from what he intended them to be.

¶21 Kidnapping Expedition to the Ẹ̀gbá farms.—The Are was as determined to commence hostilities as the chiefs were against it. Hence at the meeting of the Town Council on the 31st July, he said to the chiefs, "There is no subject for discussion to-day but you should all go home and prepare for a kidnapping expedition to the Ẹ̀gbá farms to-morrow morning." The Balógun and the other chiefs were against the proposal, they said they were not prepared for such a big undertaking. But the Are coolly returned this ironical answer, "Very well, as you are not prepared you can have as much time at home as you wish, meantime I go, and perhaps by the time I return you may then be ready." This sarcastic reply was felt, and each one went home for a hasty preparation for the morrow.

¶22 The Are led out the Ìbàdàn host to the Ẹ̀gbá farms on the 1st August, and captured Atadi, and Alagbara, and pushed on as far as Arakanga behind the gates of Abẹ́òkúta, and captured a young bride there. The Ẹ̀gbás were not prepared for this. At the instance of Chief Ogundipe they were about to send another ambassador to undo the mischief done by Leasu, but this attack on their farms and villages put an end to their pacific intentions.

¶23 As it was now evident that war was inevitable, the Ìjẹ̀bús to show on which side their sympathy lay, recalled their Agurin at Ìbàdàn, a sign of declaration of war.

¶24 The Are with reference to Abẹ́òkúta said "Too large for a close siege but for that reason the more vulnerable to famine." His plan was to swoop down on the farms now and again, cut off supplies, prevent cultivation, and thus reduce the place by famine. "Hence in his expeditions, the main object was to destroy foodstuffs, fire the barns, cut down standing corn, chop in pieces yam and other tuberous foodstuffs.

¶25 The second expedition was known as "Igbe Igbin" (the Igbin expedition), because some of the Ìbàdàn soldiers encountered Igbin an Ẹ̀gbá war chief. But the Ìbàdàn war-chiefs had made a compact among themselves not to fight, but leave the brunt of everything to the Are alone; therefore when they reached the farms they located themselves at short distances from one another, leaving Aturu the Balógun’s head slave to lead the men in search of prey. There was no chief with them when Igbin attacked them vigorously and pursued them a great distance until they reached the vicinity of the Sẹ́rìkí’s location when he sent a body of men to drive back the pursuers. Aturu also rallied those within his reach, and led them back safe.

¶26 This second expedition was less beneficial to them than the first.

§ 3. INSURRECTION AGAINST THE ARE, AND THE DEATH OF SẸ́RÌKÍ IYAPO

¶28 The aversion of the chiefs to this war grew stronger every day, and so also did the obstinacy of the Are.

¶29 Being bound by a sense of duty to follow him wherever he went, the plot they had made, viz: to take advantage of whatever chance may bring within their reach, but to leave all the fighting to be done by the Are and his slaves, did not prevent the latter from prosecuting his mad resolve. So then the chiefs in order to put an end to this undesirable war were determined to rise against the Are, and make an end of him and with him of the war. For this purpose they met at a given signal in the dead of night on the 1st October, 1877, in the Ogboni house at the Baṣọ̀run’s market. There they took a solemn oath of secrecy and mutual confidence and ratified the same by splitting of kola nuts and the slaughter of a ram, each of them taking his portion home. But they were not all faithful to one another. Solalu the Òsì Sẹ́rìkí a notorious tale-bearer went that very night and divulged the whole secret to the Are. Ilori the Òsì also who but lately had incurred the Are’s displeasure had not the courage to go the whole length with them, fearing the consequences to himself in case of failure; he also went secretly and exposed the plot. The majority of the rest of them, knowing this, followed suit, each one to save himself, but the Balógun and the Sẹ́rìkí considered it infra dig., so to betray themselves.

¶30 At a general meeting on the 2nd of October, the Are told them what he had heard: they all denied it one after another. But the Are told them that he trusted none of them not even those who professed loyalty to him, he was sure that with a better prospect they would all kick against him.

¶31 The matter was suppressed for the time being, but in less than a month it broke out again. The insurrection was fixed for the 1st of November but the secret was divulged again by the notorious Solalu.

¶32 The Are was terribly ill at ease. Before the morning of the 1st November he had left home for his farm with his slaves armed. Some surmised that it was his intention to escape from Ìbàdàn, but where to go to? He had offended all their great neighbours. Restless in the farm, he returned to town. He made little account of all the chiefs except the Balógun and the Sẹ́rìkí each of whom was a match for him. In his perplexity he resorted to Chief Mosaderin the brother of the Balógun, with two slaves and valuable presents, begging him to use his influence with the Balógun for good on his behalf. He succeeded. Chief Mosaderin called his brother and remonstrated with him. "What have you as compared with the Are in slaves or wealth to satisfy the greedy appetite of Ìbàdàn chiefs? If he is overthrown to-day it will devolve upon you to-morrow to assume the reins of government, and it will not be long before the same measure is meted out to you. And the Sẹ́rìkí with whom you are in league, have you forgotten that he was the one aspiring to your title when the Are threatened lately to depose you? Will you be able to manage him if you become the Bále and he the Balógun? Remember that his father was a native of Ogbomoso and descended from an Ẹ̀ṣọ́. He will soon aspire to become a Kakanfò as by right, and what is to become of you then?"

¶33 In this way Mosaderin won the Balógun over to the Are and on the latter’s return from his farm the Balógun called on him in the evening.

¶34 The Are, almost beside himself with joy, greeted him with "Aye my brother and companion in arms, you have almost done for me!" Having won over the Balógun he was determined not to spare the Sẹ́rìkí. The latter hearing that the Balógun called on the Are called also himself the next day, but the Are refused to see him. He returned home under a shower of stones from the Are’s slaves.

¶35 Seeing that evil was determined against the Sẹ́rìkí the other chiefs tried to interpose on his behalf,-but the Are was resolute. He was determined to rid himself of one whose power and influence had always made him uneasy.

¶36 On the 4th of November the Are declared that he pardoned him, but this was a ruse to get him into his power, for he instructed his slaves to shoot him down, when he least expected danger. The Sẹ́rìkí who had friends amongst the Are’s slaves heard of it and never committed himself into his hands. The Are could not treat him, however, as he treated the late Aijenku, and all measures adopted to get at him and kill him suddenly, failed. So he had recourse to depriving him of his brave men. He deposed him from his title conferring the same on Àjàyí Osungbekun his Ọ̀tún. The notorious Solalu the Òsì Sẹ́rìkí he made the Ọ̀tún. Amowo one of Iyapo’s brave men he made the Òsì Sẹ́rìkí, Iyapo’s Bada he made his own, and so of all his principal fighting men, thereby weakening his hands if he meant to fight, and having done this he sent to him to die.

¶37 Àjàyí, however, was reluctant to supersede his chief, so the Are sent to him to take with him One wife, one horse and one groom and leave the town.

¶38 On Iyapo hearing this he sent at once to Àjàyí advising him to accept the title. "I know that I am a doomed man," said he "and I must not involve you in my ruin; as for me, my father was an Ẹ̀ṣọ́ and I was born an Ẹ̀ṣọ́, and like an Ẹ̀ṣọ́ I will die." He summoned his brothers together, and gave them his last charge, all being present excepting Akíntọ́lá the next to him. He distributed his property to his sons and daughters, left directions about the family property (to which he added something) and how to keep up the glory of the house and their father’s name, etc. In the meantime he ordered his grave and his coffin to be prepared, and having inspected and approved of both, and having thus set his house in order, on the evening of the 17th November, 1877, this young and brave general entered his bedroom, and put an end to his life!

¶39 When the news got abroad, the consternation and agitation in the town were indescribable. All the young Mogajis Iyapo’s comrades quaked and trembled. They combined and took a solemn oath of mortal hatred of the Are for the death of Iyapo and a determination to avenge it. They agreed never to win for him a battle, or conquer a hamlet until he was dead and gone. Thus the Are by putting an end to the life of such brave men as Aijenku and Iyapo started the decadence of Ìbàdàn military power. His chief motive was a selfish one, to immortalize his own name and exalt his family never taking into account what providence may have decreed for him.

THE SUCCESSION OF AKÍNTỌ́LÁ

¶41 After the death of Iyapo, Akíntọ́lá his brother succeeded him as the head of the house but of course not to his title nor to any public title at all, as the Are was determined to diminish if not extinguish the glory of Ibikunle’s house. That quarter of the town of which that house was the centre was broken up, all the strong chiefs therein being assigned to several petty chiefs so that Akíntọ́lá was left with no following and had none to depend upon but his father’s slaves. But all the same he felt that none was equal to him among all the chiefs in that quarter and that the prestige of his father’s house was in no way obliterated, he knew that the "Lion of the Master of Camps" will one day arise and shake up himself in all his former power; but for the present he had to bow to the inevitable.

§ 4. FURTHER RAIDING EXPEDITION ON Ẹ̀GBÁ FARMS.

¶43 On the 19th November, 1877, the Balógun was sent out to raid the Ẹ̀gbá farms and he ravaged those that lay near the Ìjẹ̀bús. On the 28th December, he went northwards against those that lay in the direction of Iberekodo and an attempt was even made to capture a village called Ogatedo at the confluence of the Oyan and Ofiki rivers. But the rivers were swollen and the Ìbàdàns having waded waist deep were compelled to retreat before the steady fire of the men of the place, who posted themselves behind the large trees growing along the side of the river, and prevented their gaining the opposite bank. The Balógun being ill in the camp they could not renew their efforts. The expedition returned home on the 17th of January, 1878, the Balógun being borne on a litter.

¶44 A NINE Days’ RAIDING EXPEDITION

¶45 On the Balógun’s recovery from his illness the Are proposed another expedition and was determined to make a longer stay in the Ẹ̀gbá farms this time and thus draw them out to a fight. Hitherto the raids lasted only three days each time and only the Ìbàdàn war-chiefs were concerned, but now he proposed inviting outside help as well. For that purpose he sent the Ọ̀tún to clear the road leading to Arawo, that is a place midway between Ìbàdàn and Abẹ́òkúta on the caravan route. He also invited the warchiefs of Ifẹ̀, Mọ́dàkẹ́kẹ́ and other subject towns. He could not count upon the complete loyalty of the Ìbàdàn war-chiefs because of their opposition to this enterprise, and because he knew how deeply he had offended most of them; but he knew the courage and intrepidity of the Ifẹ̀s and relied more on them. The expedition left Ìbàdàn on the 24th of March, 1878 and encamped next day at Alakisa a few miles beyond Arawo. Having this for their base they ravaged the farms on the right as far as Iberekodo, and on the left as far as they could go. They lived on the spoils of the farm and destroyed the rest, setting the barns on fire. The Ẹ̀gbás however, did not show their faces, but contented themselves with bravely manning their walls against any attack. The Ifẹ̀ army arrived on the 28th and joined them in the field.

¶46 At the end of nine days the Are summoned a council and announced that as the Ẹ̀gbás did not take up the challenge and come out for a fight, they should take a roundabout course and capture Osiele before they returned home. He was opposed by the whole of the Ìbàdàn war-chiefs without exception. They alleged:

¶47 1. That they were already exhausted by this 9 days useless exposure.

¶48 2. That Osiele not being taken into account before they left home, they had not first consulted the gods nor offered propitiatory sacrifices as they usually did before attacking a town.

¶49 3. That to go to Osiele from where they were was too risky and inadvisable, because they would leave rear and base exposed to attack by the Ẹ̀gbás should they undertake to attack them by way of Atadi. If Osiele is to be taken why not go home first and make a direct attack from home by a route shorter and safer? The Are replied "You had better go and reconsider what you intend to do, as for me, my mind is made up. I am decided, and if there remain only my slaves and Ayikiti the Ifẹ̀ General and the Mọ́dàkẹ́kẹ́ people with me, I shall take Osiele."

¶50 The chiefs retired, but to strengthen the plot against him. They agreed to follow but only to witness how he and his slaves with the Ifẹ̀ and Mọ́dàkẹ́kẹ́ people would take Osiele. In the meantime private messages had gone to apprise the Ẹ̀gbás of the impending assault on Osiele. The Ìbàdàn war-chiefs also let their men know that they were not obliged to stand by their masters, nor to stay and fight in case of an attack, but as for themselves they were bound by their office not to desert the Are. Before daybreak on the 1st of April they had started for Osiele.

¶51 The Osiele army met them at a great distance from their home, and without firing a shot those who led the van of the Ìbàdàn army melted away, bringing the Are himself and his principal war-chiefs face to face with the enemy. Only their bodyguards remained with the chiefs, their fighting men had all gone. The Are and his slaves threw themselves into the attack vigorously, and in the first attack, about 300 of them became hors de combat in dead and wounded. Nothing daunted, a second onslaught was made and about 200 became hors de combat. The Are’s slaves now perceived that the brunt of the fighting was left for them alone to bear, and suspected it was a plot to annihilate them, therefore they also gave way. The Ifẹ̀ and Mọ́dàkẹ́kẹ́ people quickly took in the situation and they themselves gave way, leaving only the Are and his principal war-chiefs with their bodyguards. None of the war-chiefs deserted the Are so that no one could be accused of cowardice. The chiefs knew the risks they were running by thus exposing themselves to be enveloped and taken but they could not have done otherwise; that was the only way to accomplish their plot and bring the Are to reason.

¶52 It is now evident the day was lost, and as the Are began to retreat the rush became general and the Ẹ̀gbás pressed hard in pursuit. The camp was a long way off, nearly a day’s journey, and hundreds died of thirst. The Are and the veterans about him retreated in good order, or let us rather say were allowed to retreat in good order, for if Ogundipe and the Ẹ̀gbá war-chiefs had determined to press hard in pursuit the Ìbàdàn army would have been annihilated, but the war-chiefs on either side knew secretly the game they were playing. About 2 p.m. the Are expressed a desire to say his afternoon prayers. "By all means," said the Balógun "you can do so." The Balógun then dismounted and expanding his arms in the direction of the pursuers he said to them "Fire all your shots here." But Sanusi the Are’s eldest son and Idagana one of his principal slaves threw themselves forward and kept the Ẹ̀gbá pursuers at bay until the Are had said his prayers ; and once on the saddle again they retreated hastily. The casualties on the whole were slight. Sanusi was wounded in the lip, the Balógun lost a favourite servant in this campaign, and the Mogaji of the late Chief Bioku was captured by the Ẹ̀gbás. The wreck of the expedition returned home on the 2nd of April, 1878.

¶53 The Are was greatly disappointed, especially in his own slaves. He said he had thought that come what might he could always count upon a thousand at least to stand by him for weal or woe, but alas he was deserted. However, he comforted himself with this reflection: "There is no one who may not suffer a defeat, for even the prophet of God (Mahomet) suffered a defeat."

¶54 After this all the interior war-chiefs returned to their homes but Ayikiti and the Ifẹ̀ war-chiefs. Several offices had to be filled among them. Also the office of the Owoni of Ifẹ̀ was vacant by the death of Ayikiti’s father, and he was desirous of succeeding him. The Ifẹ̀s, however, were for another prince and not Ayikiti, but he so pressed his claims that the Are had to give in, and so on the 8th April after titles had been arranged for all vacancies in the Ifẹ̀ chieftaincies, messengers from the Ìbàdàn chiefs followed Ayikiti home to crown him the Owoni of Ifẹ̀.

¶55 Another Raid.—The Are, however, was not dispirited by the defeat and failure to capture Osiele, he sent the Ọ̀tún out again to clear the direct route via the Agangan hill. In the meantime he was carrying on a private negotiation with the Ìjẹ̀bús for a treaty of friendship and commerce working chiefly through the Ìjẹ̀bús resident at Ìbàdàn and the Ìjẹ̀bú Remos. But the answer of the Awùjalẹ̀ of the Ìjẹ̀bús was insolent, bidding the Are first to be on friendly terms with the Ẹ̀gbás, the ALÁÀFIN, the Ìjẹ̀ṣàs and the Ifẹ̀s, and when he saw the messengers of the heads of these states he would reconsider his relations with Ìbàdàn. The Ìbàdàn chiefs hearing this reply were so enraged at its insolence that they were willing to yield to the Are’s determination that the reply to the Awùjalẹ̀ should take a practical form by sending the Balógun to ravage the Ẹ̀gbá farms. Although they held a different view from their chief in this matter of Abẹ́òkúta yet they could not brook any insults to him from outside. They marched out on the 20th of May, 1878.

§5. THE REVOLT OF THE ÈKÌTÌ TRIBES

¶57 The Èkìtì tribes who had long been groaning under the yoke of the Ìbàdàns, seized the opportunity of the latter being involved in complications with the Ẹ̀gbás and Ìjẹ̀bús to rebel against them. Adeyala, prince of Ìlá, Fabunmi and Odeyale both of Mesin Oloja-Oke, allied themselves together to commence hostilities against the Ìbàdàns.

¶58 Their first act of rebellion was to seize all Ọ̀yọ́s (Yorubas proper) residing peacefully amongst them with their families. They killed some, and the rest they sold into slavery. Then they collected together a large number of hen coups, and skulls of cattle, set them up as fetish, and offered to them sacrifices of human beings, the victims being (1) The Ìbàdàn messengers that oppressed them so much ; (2) and the Ajeles (political residents) of the Ìbàdàn chiefs among them ; fowls and cattle being the chief articles of diet these messengers generally demanded from them. The massacre at Ìlá alone was estimated at about 1,000 human beings!

¶59 The Ìjẹ̀ṣàs of Ilẹ̀ṣà who had more than once come into collision with the Ìbàdàns before, were rather wary and felt very reluctant to join this coalition ; indeed they were frequently seized with panic from false rumours of the approach of the Ìbàdàns, so that Ilẹ̀ṣà itself was more than once deserted from this cause. There were good reasons for this however. One was the transport of ammunition from Ìbàdàn to Mesin Ipole, a town which had not then thrown off its allegiance, but this was in order to settle between two brothers a dispute which had risen to undue proportions and in which an armed intervention had become necessary.

¶60 The other was that Ayikiti the Owoni lately crowned by the Are for the Ifẹ̀s captured some Ìjẹ̀ṣà towns, viz., Ipindun, Ifẹ̀ wara, and Osu in order to possess himself of the wherewith to defray the expenses of his coronation. All these gave rise to the panic at Ilẹ̀ṣà.

¶61 On the 16th June news reached Ìbàdàn that the Ìlọrins had joined the coalition against them, and the King of Ìlọrin was said to have sent the following message to the Are of Ìbàdàn. "If a man’s wife deserted him, and afterwards repented and came back to him, is not the husband justified in receiving her back" The Are’s reply was "Yes he is, but let the husband beware of what he may contract from the whore." The key to the parable is this :—When the Fulanis overran the northern Yoruba territories, the Ìlọrins became masters of the Èkìtì provinces also ; but when the Ìbàdàns rose to power the Èkìtìs transferred their allegiance to them. But now they are disposed to return to their "first love "and thus are compared to an erring wife returning to her former husband. The meaning of the Ìbàdàn reply is obvious, the Ìlọrins may thereby involve themselves in a war of which they may have cause to regret. The Are took no heed of the rebellion, but was prosecuting his desultory warfare with the Ẹ̀gbás.

¶62 On the 23rd of June, there was a terrible conflagration at Ìbàdàn; the Balógun and Sẹ́rìkí in whose quarters the fire broke out went to arrest its progress, but unfortunately, before they reached home, sparks from the flames had set their own houses on fire. Every preparation having been made for an expedition to the Ẹ̀gbá farms, it was thought that it would be postponed, but early next morning (June 24th) whilst the embers were still smouldering, the Balógun’s drum was heard on its way to the Ẹ̀gbá farms. This expedition returned on the evening of the 26th June bringing about 40 captives.

¶63 On the 14th of July another expedition went out under Ali the Ọ̀tún, the Are sending Kupolu with him, but they were not as successful as the last.

¶64 The people of Ìlá afterwards got alarmed at their own acts, and began to be afraid of the consequences. They therefore sent on the 16th July ambassadors to Ìbàdàn to make amends, and to sue for peace; but these were roughly received and were sent back home to prepare for the worst. Upon this the Èkìtìs sent no more to Ìbàdàn but took further steps to strengthen their alliances and put their defences in order.

¶65 The confederates now aimed at wresting from the Ìbàdàns all their subject towns including Ọ̀yọ́ towns under their protection from Ìkirun to Ìwó, and limit the Ìbàdàn territories to the river Ọba, that is the natural limits of their farms in that direction. It soon became evident that the Ifẹ̀s had joined them, because their only safe route to Benin for ammunition via Oke Igbo became unsafe from kidnappers ; but the people of Mọ́dàkẹ́kẹ́ being Ọ̀yọ́s and not Ifẹ̀s refused to join the coalition knowing that the destruction of Ìbàdàn would be their own ruin, as the Ifẹ̀s were ever hostile to them, but remained quiet for fear of the Ìbàdàns.

¶66 On the 19th August news reached Ìbàdàn that the Èkìtì allies had marched against Igbájọ. Igbájọ is a border town and as its name implies contains a mixed population of Ọ̀yọ́s, Ìjẹ̀ṣàs, Èkìtìs and other clans. In its physical aspect it is like the rest of the Èkìtì towns but the rulers and principal inhabitants were Ọ̀yọ́s and all were Ọ̀yọ́s in sympathy. They maintained their allegiance to Ìbàdàn refusing to join the coalition. Hence the resolve to remove them out of the way before marching on the nearest genuine Ọ̀yọ́ town—Ìkirun.

¶67 Not even did this news move the Are. He sent the Balógun to ravage the Ẹ̀gbá farms on the other side of the Ogun river, not only because those on this side had been utterly despoiled, but also because he meant further to straighten Abẹ́òkúta, and more especially to be in touch with Porto Novo in order to procure ammunition. He took Ogatedo by an assault, and from Meko he sent on the caravans that accompanied him to Porto Novo for ammunition and salt, and the Sẹ́rìkí to escort them beyond the danger zone, and there to await their return.

¶68 On hearing that the army of the Ẹ̀gbás was out to waylay his caravans, the Balógun formed links from his base at Meko right on to the Sẹ́rìkí’s post for mutual defence; the Ọ̀tún and Òsì being placed within easy reach of the Sẹ́rìkí, and then his own division under Aderibigbe the Mogaji of the late Bále Olugbode, and a part under his own brother Mosaderin, and his eldest son Babalola and his head slave Jato.

¶69 This last division considered themselves practically secure ; hence they neglected all precautions, placed no sentinels and were completely off their guard. It was this division the Ẹ̀gbás surprised and attacked. They were dispersed, and Kurakura the Hausa slave of Chief Ogundeyi of Abẹ́òkúta hotly pursued after Aderibigbe and would have caught him, but that the latter was a splendid rider and was well mounted on a powerful steed. It was late in the afternoon when the Ọ̀tún and his companions hearing the continuous report of musketry at their rear contrary to expectation came up with their forces, and drove the Ẹ̀gbás away and once more cleared the road.

¶70 The Balógun before leaving Meko sent a kidnapping expedition to the Ketu farms, a part of which was successful ; but the Ketus, being well acquainted with their country, took by-paths, attacked the kidnappers and rescued their people. Several Ìbàdàns were caught, but most of them escaped to Meko and Ìbàdàn.

¶71 But whilst all this was going on in the South-west the scene in the North-east was one of dreadful carnage. The Igbájọs defended themselves heroically and repelled the enemy more than once; at the second instance the Egugun Chief Priest of Ìlá was caught and slain. But the allies were reinforced and returned to the attack.

¶72 On appeal to Ìbàdàn for help Osuntoki the Máyè of Ìbàdàn was sent with a small force to assist Igbájọ, but it was found that the Are underrated the strength of the coalition. Igbájọ could hold out no longer, Máyè was obliged to retreat with the Igbájọs to Ìkirun, with the allies at their heels, laying siege to Ìkirun.

¶73 The King of Ìlọrin now sent out his forces under the command of Ajia to join the allies at the siege of Ìkirun with instructions to sweep all Ọ̀yọ́ towns, right on to the river Ọba at the confines of the Ìbàdàn farms, that is to say, to take Ìkirun, Òṣogbo, Èdè and Ìwó with their villages.

¶74 The Ìlọrins commenced operations at Otan a village near Ìkirun, and at the onset met with an ominous disaster. The people of this village hearing of their approach deserted the place and hid themselves among the craggy rocks surrounding the village. The Ìlọrins finding no one to oppose them flew to the spoils, and thus engaged, the men of Otan came in and set on them slaying many ; only a few of those who entered the town made good their escape, and that with great difficulty. The Ìlọrins receiving reinforcement from home laid siege also against Ìkirun. Thus was Ìkirun hemmed in nearly on all sides by the Ìlọrins, the Èkìtìs and Ìlá, with the Ìjẹ̀ṣàs, and the inhabitants were obliged to defend themselves within their walls, and the thickets surrounding the town.

¶75 The small Ìbàdàn contingent at Ìkirun reported matters at home but no help was speedily forthcoming, as the Balógun, with the flower of the Ìbàdàn army had not yet returned from Meko. On the 14th of October, 1878 the Ìbàdàn expedition returned home. The Balógun was ordered to make a hasty preparation and march out in five days.